Wednesday, 9 January 2013

My Pakistan Trip


Ram Puniyani

The invitation

The invitation to attend the seminar on South Asian Minorities in Islamabad, Pakistan  and other meetings in Karachi, promised to be an exciting affair, as apart from other things it might have been an opportunity to see the ‘enemy country’ in person. I thought of combining the visit to Islamabad and Karachi with a trip to Jhang, the place where I was born, slightly before the tragedy of partition. I realized VISA to Pakistan is quite a difficult task as VISA for each city is to be obtained separately so I dropped the idea of going to Jhang and restricting my visit to Islamabad and Karachi for which I had the invitations. The discussion about the proposed trip to Pakistan with friends and relatives had a standard response, ohh… you are going to Pakistaaaaaan… be careful! The impression being given was not only that it is Pakistan, which is masterminding all the terror operations in India, not only that it’s a country with terrorists strolling the street and killing people at will but also that it is an ‘enemy country’ due to its wars against India, its meddling in the issues of India and it harboring the terror dens by the dozen.

Islamabad

Islamabad sounded like an exclusive ‘Capital city’ with non Government employees being a small fraction of the population in the city. We could see the Raval Lake, from the nearby beautiful hill. The lake separates this capital city from the nearby Ravalpindi. What came as a pleasant surprise was the feeling of being at home in the city, the language spoken, the people, the warmth and affection and the food all gave the pleasant feeling of being very much at home. While one learnt that the plight of minorities is dismal in most of the South Asian countries on which the papers were presented in the seminar, one also realized that the human rights activists in Pakistan are very vocal and are keeping the torch of democratic values aflame with great courage and sincerity.

The banquet hosted by organizers was an occasion to interact with the well known names in Human Rights movements from Pakistan, like I.A. Rahman. Could lay my hands on Rahman’s booklet, ‘Pakistan: Neither A State nor a Nation’ which gives a very accurate understanding of the state which came into being more due to the machinations of colonial powers than for the aspirations of average Muslims. Incidentally majority of Muslims and particularly the poorer lot, the artisans, farmers stood against the idea of Pakistan.

The banquet dinner was a surprise for another reason also. In the middle of the lovely food and equally engrossing conversation, I had been so lost in the homeliness of milieu and the accompanying songs from my favorite old Hindi films that I had to tell myself oh I am not in India but am in Pakistan. The singing troupe playing the music was very good and the choice of songs from old Hindi films was a real treat of the day.

India’s Soft Power in the Region

Staying in Karachi was a different ball game. Here one was in the middle of different communities staying in different localities. The segregation of communities along geographical lines is a bit different than what is the phenomenon of ghettotization of Muslim community in many a cities in India. Karachi with its broad roads and slow traffic reminded me of our own Mumbai nearly five decades ago. Conversation with taxi derivers’ is so much revealing about the things in a city. My driver was a young man from Peshawar. He had to come to Karachi due to the Taliban nuisance. Taliban, in a true fundamentalist fashion, are imposing dress-beard code on the people and are killing people for any slight disobedience. This young man told me that they used to organize Music and dance, week long celebrations at the wedding times. Now Taliban has put a sort of ban on that. The Taliban intimidation is forcing large segments of population to shift from Peshawar to Karachi in particular. He also informed about what many Indian writers are calling as soft power of India, the Bollywood. For this young man, three Khans of our Bollywood are semi gods, like he celebrated when Shah Rukh Khan’s team won in IPL and he sported Mangal Pandey moustache and kept the hairs like Mangal Pandey as depicted in the film. It’s no secret that Hindi films and Indian music are a craze there.

Malyalee Comrade in Karachi

I happened to meet innumerable friends who are struggling it out not only to strengthen democracy but also to build bridges with India. One remarkable Comrade from our Kerala, B.M. Kutty is a very popular figure in Karachi. Kutty Sahib, as he is generally addressed there is part of most of the progressive campaigns and movements, shaping and guiding the younger lot into the values needed for a democratic society and secular sate. This Malyalee doyen is there from last six decades and his autobiography is aptly titled, ‘Six Decades of exile: No regrets’. Other friends and comrades from media, trade unions and Karachi University were not only warm but also expressed how much they long for the state of affairs where military can be packed off to the barracks and civilian society is able to have its say through the democratic government.

BM Kutty
The very concept of Islamic state also meets its nemesis in the form of Mohajir Qaumi Movement, supported by many Muslims who left for Pakistan from India. They could not get due rights in Pakistan and are now organized enough to get represented in Pakistan Senate and corporations. The legendary Karachi press club has been able to maintain its independence, despite the pressure of military and it keeps inviting the diverse speakers to speak about their views on matters controversial, on the lines which may be against the ideas of ruling cliques. One of the favorite themes of talks there was, ‘Shared heritage: Common aspirations’, where the commonality of our cultural past was highlighted and a need for broad cooperation between these two so called ‘enemy nations’ is articulated in a very positive manner.

Sunday, 6 January 2013

Rape and the Ideology of the Religious Right


In these days when we are flooded with reports of rape and other savage attacks against women in India, we thought people would stop, at least for the time being, blaming the women themselves for atrocities committed against them. But we were wrong.

Barely a few hours after the ashes of the Delhi rape victim (it is unfortunate that we still have to call her like this - without a name) were scattered over the river Ganges, the leaders of RSS, BJP and other right-wing outfits have come out with their true colours. 

Vibha Rao, a prominent leader of BJP in Chattisgarh, as well as, ironically, the chairperson of Chattisgarh State Women Commission, had the audacity to claim that “women are equally responsible” for sexual offences committed against them.  According to her, influenced by western culture women are displaying their bodies, and are indulging in obscene activities thereby sending wrong signals to men. She also cites proliferation of the internet and women’s ignorance of Hindu epics as the reasons for sexual offences committed against women. According to her the incidence of rapes reported from tribal districts of Chatisgarh, however, are not rape proper but consensual sex - because tribal women are entering into live-in relationship. But Ms Rao has no comment to make about tribal women being raped by vigilante gang members in Chattisgarh as the issue is ‘sub judice’! (The Hindu, January 5, 2013, Chennai). [Ms Vibha Rao has later denied making these statements and claimed that The Hindu had misquoted her. Rebutting the denial, The Hindu has now uploaded audio excerpts of the entire interview conducted in Hindi]


Another BJP leader, Kailash Vijayargiya, a Minister in Madhya Pradesh government, said: “Only when Sitaji crossed the ‘Lakshman rekha’, she was kidnapped by Ravan…If Sitaji [woman] crosses the ‘Lakshman rekha’, then Sitaharan [abduction] is bound to take place as Ravans are out there”. (TheHindu, January 5, 2013, Chennai).

Mohan Bhagwat, chief of RSS which epitomizes the ideology of the entire Hindutwa Sangh Parivar, has another take on rapes against women: “Crimes against women happening in urban India are shameful.  But such crimes won’t happen in Bharat or the rural areas. You go to villages and forests and there will be no such incidents” (The Hindu, January 5, 2013, Chennai). He also wants the women to be confined to their home looking after the needs of their husbands.

Let us leave aside for the moment the continuing demonizing of Ravana, which the legendary Dravidian leader EV Ramaswamy would have found repulsive. Let us instead ask a few questions to these guardians of the ancient culture of Bharat:

  1. Was Sitaji influenced by ‘western culture’ and was she sending ‘wrong signals’ to Ravana through her inappropriate dress?
  2. Is the traditional ‘sari’ an appropriate dress for women to wear or should they now be draped in tent-like purdah that is imposed by Taliban on women in Afghanistan and tribal districts of Pakistan to get foolproof protection against rape?
  3. How does Mohan Bhagwat explain the innumerable cases of rape of Dalit women by upper caste men reported from villages across the length and breadth of Bharat?
  4. Were the hundreds of women and girls who were savagely raped and murdered in Gujarat in 2002 and in Delhi in 1984 were provocatively dressed in western outfits tempting the Sanatan Hindus to no end?
  5. Is the remote village in Orissa, where Sister Mina Barwa, the Christian nun, was raped by 40 men five years back, part of Bharat or India?
  6. Were these rapists and murderers and their instigators insufficiently tutored in Hindu epics? Or are they over-tutored?
In the context of the savagery committed against the young woman in Delhi, many overlook the fact that in many cases of rape the perpetrators are not strangers but those who are known to the victims - including close relatives. Indian Express (January 01, 2013, New Delhi) reports that “according to data from Delhi Police, out of the 665 rapes reported in 2012, 189 were committed by family members or relatives”. Many of the victims of rape are minors.

One should be a mental retard to claim that these young girls tempted their relatives with obscene gestures. Then why is Ms Vibha Rao, a professional chairing an important Commission set up to protect the rights of women, blaming the victims? Is it  because she wants to shield the BJP government in Chattisgarh, which has been accused of protecting the members of Salwa Judam allegedly involved in a number of cases of violence against tribal women in the state? Or was she trying to augment her political career by making the right noise acceptable to the Sangh Parivar? Or is it because due to her long-term association with the Hindu right-wing, Ms Vibha Rao has imbibed the patriarchal ethical values of the party she represents - the very same values of Hindutva that inspire the volunteers of Sri Ram Sena, who imposes moral policing in Mangalore and other parts of Karnataka.

But the data provided by the Delhi Police, I am sure, definitely does not include those rapes which are sanctified by religion and society, where the parents and heads of caste and religions force girls to marry against their willingness. These should also be treated as rape - especially when the girls are of very young age (even if they have just crossed the age limit prescribed by the law) - and punitive action should be initiated against the perpetrators – including parents. Most of the time the girls are forced into such marriages ‘to protect the honour’ of the family and even their caste. This is done to prevent the girls from marrying a person belonging to a group that is outside the limits prescribed by their caste and clan. In such cases the leaders of the Caste-Panchayat too get involved and they force the family to prevent such marriages from taking place. If not complied with the directions of the caste/clan leaders, their family is excommunicated – which is a terrible outcome for a family living in a village. If this is not enough, the caste leaders resort to violence too. [http://www.tribuneindia.com/2012/20121029/haryana.htm] This is the real story of Bharat proper, which the RSS chief has eulogized in his speech.

If you think this happens only in remote villages where the diktats of clan leaders prevail, you are mistaken. In Kerala, the ‘most progressive’ states in India, for instance, the caste/clan leaders do not call the shots any more in the sense that they do not unleash violence against the family or formally outcast them. However, the clannish mentality has permeated amongst the members of the castes to such a level that they need not require any such diktats. They obey the clan rules on their own. The victims are, of course, as usual, the girls.

I had a close experience of this hold of caste among the 'progressive Keralites' when one of the girls known to me fell in love with a boy belonging to a different caste (rather, sub-caste). The girl was 20 years old, just out of college. The boy (a college lecturer) belonged to a caste which the family of the girl’s father considered nominally inferior to their caste. With the help provided by the modern electronic gadgets (though not Internet – one of the targets of Ms Vibha Rao), their love blossomed. Like most lovers, they hid it from the family in the initial days. But when this was ultimately disclosed, there was a riot in the family. The girl was asked to stop this ‘unequal relationship’. There of course was an age gap of 10 years between the girl and the boy. But that was not the main irritant as far as her family was concerned – that was conveniently brought in only to justify, only for rationalizing, their caste/clan based prejudices. Since the girl was not willing, for whatever reason, to marry somebody without the cooperation of her parents, she gave up. But, fortunately, she was adamant on one thing. She would not marry anybody else soon – even to placate the clannish sentiments of her parents. She wanted to continue her higher education – no further questions to be asked. On this, she stood her ground. She continued her education according to her wishes. [True, this option is still not available to many girls in other parts of India. Kerala, in that sense, can still be proud of its progressive heritage].

About a century old progressive movements in Kerala however has not yet succeeded in removing the deep rooted caste prejudices in Kerala. If it is slowly losing its strangle hold over the masses, it is primarily because of the rapid urbanization taking place in the state - the very urbanization which the RSS chief now blames for violence against women.

A recent court order

Yet, everything is not gloomy. For instance, a recent order by Judge Kamini Lau of a Sessions Court in Delhi gives us hope. We quote the report filed by the correspondent of The Hindu (January 2, 2013) on this important judgement:



Jiby Kattakayam


Dismissing an anticipatory bail application moved by a maulvi, accused of forcing a young Muslim girl into a wedding with a married man who allegedly raped her subsequently, a sessions court here has slammed the cleric’s attempt to take refuge in religious tenets to justify his act.

While the prosecution said the maulvi forcibly performed the nikah, the maulvi claimed that the Shariah permitted a Muslim to keep four wives at a time and that the girl consented to the marriage.

However, Additional Sessions Judge Kamini Lau noted that the girl had not signed the marriage certificate. Her parents were not present, nor were there any witnesses. Further, the girl escaped from the man, who allegedly raped her after serving her intoxicants, the same day. The maulvi getting a stamp paper for the girl to sign purportedly consenting to the marriage was prima facie a “cover-up operation” on his part for indemnity from legal consequences and awareness of his committing an illegal act, the judge said.

Majesty of law prevails

On the Maulvi taking recourse to Shariah to justify polygamy, Ms. Lau said: “The Indian legal system provides sufficient space for religious freedom but whenever any such regressive religious practice come into conflict with the rights of the citizens as enshrined in the Indian Constitution, it becomes obligatory for courts to ensure that it is the majesty of law and the constitutional mandate which prevail.”

The judge also noted the maulvi’s failure to get the consent of the first wife of the man and to ascertain if he was capable of financially supporting both wives and their children. Ms. Lau said: “Jurists are unanimous that in Islamic societies polygamous marriages are permitted but only in certain circumstances, that is primarily in situations where a man's death has left his widows with no means or support… Polygamy is neither mandatory nor encouraged but merely permitted. The Koran’s conditional endorsement stresses that self-interest or sexual desire should not be the reason for entering into a polygamous marriage. It is a practice associated with the social duty of Islamic men to protect the social and financial standing of widows and orphans in their community.”

On the responsibilities of clerics, the judge said: “It is equally the duty of the religious heads, priests, maulvis and all those involved in propagating religion to ensure that the religious texts are progressively interpreted and to confirm that it is only those beneficial practices which are in the best interest of all sections of humanity which are encouraged and observed. However, it pains me to observe that instead, some of these religious heads/priests like the accused are often found to be indulging [in] and encouraging practices which are derogatory and regressive to women (particularly those belonging to the poor sections) which they do with impunity by seeking the cover of religion.”

The judge added: “Any person who is found indulging in such activities which are a moral, social and legal wrong and who exploits a woman by taking refuge in religion has to be taken to task.”

Saturday, 5 January 2013

Materialist Philosophy of Kanada and Kapila (Materialism in Indian Philosophy – Part II)

M N Roy

The spiritual revolt represented by the Indian materialists eventually culminated in the rise of Buddhism which all but liquidated the Vedic natural religion and freed India from Brahmanical domination for several hundred years. Internal evidence proves that the Vedanta Sutras were composed for combating Buddhism. Therefore, they could not be regarded as the direct out­come of the speculative thought recorded in the Upa­nishads. The composition of the earlier Upanishads and the Vedanta Sutras must have been separated by several hundred years, during which period the spiritual deve­lopment of India was in the direction of materialism, re­presented by Kanada, Kapila and many others, and of rationalism, represented by the Buddhists and Jains sub­sequently. The triumph of Buddhism and its supremacy for so many centuries prove that the metaphysical school of thought, represented by the Vedantists, could not check the tide of materialism and rationalism. It was only after the defeat of the Buddhist revolution that Vedantist metaphysics and pantheism were revived as the ideology of the Brahmanical reaction. The Sutras them­selves could not have been compiled earlier than the fourth century B.C., by which time Buddhism had be­come a powerful challenge to the Brahmanical orthodoxy. Because, a considerable portion of them is devoted to a vigorous polemic against the Buddhists. On the other hand, the philosophical origin of Buddhism is clearly to be traced to the Sankhya and Vaisheshika systems. The early Buddhist as well as Jain philosophers drew their inspiration from Kanada and Kapila.

Although there is reason to believe that those fathers of Hindu philosophy lived more or less at the same time, a comparative study of the two systems allows the infer­ence that Vaisheshika was the oldest system of Hindu philosophy. Its founder lived about the same time as the founder of ancient Greek materialism, namely, approximately, in the Sixth century B.C. He also expounded an atomist theory for explaining the origin of the world. The following are the main points of Kanada's atomism.


All substance is composed of parts which are govern­ed by their qualities of inherence and conjunction. That thing at which the distinction of whole and the parts stops, and which therefore marks the limit of division in­to minute parts, is the atom. The atoms are the cause of the world; an effect may not be assumed without cause. The atoms are eternal, belong to four classes which possess corresponding qualities. The atoms of the same class and of similar quality combine to produce the several gross dements. The combination takes place by two causes: The material cause, inherent in the atoms themselves, and the non-inherent cause is assumed to be the super-natural will.

All substances consisting of parts originate from the substances connected with them by the relation of inher­ence. The substance is composed of parts inherent in it. The relation of conjunction operates in the process. Inherent parts of a substance come together, thanks to the relation of conjunction, to produce the substance. What­ever consists of parts, originates from those substances with which it is connected by the relation of inherence, conjunction co-operating. The whole world is composed of parts; because it is composed of parts, it has beginning and end; an effect may not be assumed without a cause; therefore, the atoms are the cause of the world. The atoms are of a spherical shape. When the atoms are iso­lated and motionless, no effect is produced. After that, the unseen principle, acting as the operative cause, and conjunction co-operating, they produce the entire aggre­gate of things, beginning with binary atoms. The material cause of the atomic compound is the constituent atoms; the conjunction is caused by the unseen operative cause.

The materialism of the system is evident. The only weak spot in an otherwise self-contained system of purely physical explanation of the origin of the world, is the assumption of the unseen, non-inherent, cause in addition to the material cause. Obviously, the assumption is super­fluous. Since the tendency to combine is inherent in atoms themselves, there is absolutely no need for an un­seen (adrishta) cause to make them coalesce. The Vaisheshika system does not need an impulse from outside for the atoms to begin aggregating. The tendency to combine is inherent in the atoms. “Bigness is produced from plu­rality inherent in the causes.” That is to say, to combine is in" the nature of the atoms. Kanada himself did not go so far as to visualise his atoms in a perpetual motion. The postulation of a motionless state of isolated atoms requir­ed the additional postulate of the action of the “unseen principle”. The commentator Upaskar removed the de­fect. According to him, extension, that is, perceptible matter, is caused by the principle of “dvitva” inherent in the primal matter; it is a natural propensity of two atoms to unite. Indeed, the commentator makes clear an Idea to be found in the Sutras themselves.

However, in assuming the superfluous non-inherent cause, Kanada did not contradict himself any more crassly than did, much later, the fathers of modern science like Copernicus, Galileo, Descartes, Newton and others who paid homage to the prejudice about God, even when they .deprived him of all functions. Today it is not possible to say whether Kanada himself believed or not in the neces­sity of the obviously superfluous assumption of the non-­inherent cause. Even if he did, that would not affect the -real implication of his hypothesis, which was purely mate­rialistic.

MN Roy
Kanada's system makes no room for the soul in the metaphysical or spiritualist sense of the term. According to it, intelligence is not an inherent property of the soul; it is conceived as a mere adventitious quality of the atoms, arising only when the soul is joined with an internal organ. Kanada argues: The qualities which inhere in the substance, constituting the cause, originate qualities of the same kind in the substance constituting the effect. Hence, if the intelligent Brahman is assumed as the cause of the world, we should expect to find intelligence inher­ent in the effect also, in the world. This is not the case. Therefore Brahman cannot be the cause of the world. Consciousness is thus regarded as the product of a complica­ted combination of atoms. Soul is merely the disposi­tion of organism, which is a combination of matter. At a certain stage of combination, an atomic aggregate acquires the property of receiving impressions of external objects and reacting to them. Consciousness develops at that stage. The constituents of the “soul” of the Vaisheshika system are inherent in the substance which constitutes the organism. And that substance is composed of atoms, which again are only of four kinds - of water, earth, air and fire.

Moreover, while disputing the immateriality of spiri­tuality of the soul, Kanada himself throws overboard the superfluous assumption of the non-inherent cause. He categorically declares that the Brahman cannot be the cause of the world. And in another place, he declares equally categorically that the atoms are the cause of the­ world. The early Indian metaphysicians regarded Brah­man as an intelligent being or an intelligent principle. The materialists combated that conception. They could do so because they did not require the postulate of an ex­ternal intelligence or force to give the first impulse for the origin of the world. Therefore, their materialist specula­tion was self-contained; the formal inclusion of the concep­tion of Brahman or non-inherent cause was only a matter of prejudice or conformity with venerable traditions.

The Vaishcshika system was condemned by the Orthodox as “semi-destructive” or “semi-nihilistic”, because of its dynamic view of nature. It regards nature not as a being but a process of becoming. It held that the continuous change in the size of bodies involved continuous perishing of the old and continuous rise of new substance. Even the' idea of the indestructibility of matter is anticipated.

As a matter of fact, Kanada's atomism was even more self-contained than that of Democritus. By visualising the atoms as possessing the inherent property of coalescing and combining, it was free from the fallacy which opened the Democritean system to Aristotle's attack. Kanada's system was to a large extent free from the problem of action at a distance. In his time, it was the dominating current of thought. The Vaisheshik atomism was the com­mon point of departure of a whole series of speculative thinkers, whose contributions to the spiritual heritage of India approximated real philosophy, and tried to free Indian society from the domination of the Vedic priest­-craft. Nevertheless, the unnecessary assumption of a metaphysical cause was due to the priestly prejudices from which the main currents of materialist and ration­alist thought in ancient India could not liberate them­selves. The social conditions that caused in Greece the evolution of thought from natural religion to the mate­rialist philosophy did not ripen in India. Intellectual life remained a priestly monopoly. The result was the weakness of the scientific and rationalist thought which, therefore, was eventually overwhelmed, and even its records were practically all destroyed, by the triumphant Brahmanical reaction.

Although the fundamental principles of ancient Indian materialism were stated originally in the Vaisheshik system, the dominating position in the intellectual life of that period came to be occupied by the Sankhya system of Kapila. The latter deviated largely from the strictly materialistic ground, and developed rather as a rational­-naturalist system of metaphysics. Nevertheless, the phy­sical principles of materialism were elaborated philoso­phically by Kapila. He is known as an atheist who main­tained that the existence of God could not be proved by logical evidence. But the real merit of his philosophy is the recognition of the objective reality of the physical world. The Sankhya system decidedly rejects the doctrine that the external world has no objective existence, and that nothing exists but thought. Arguing against some Earlier philosophers, who are characterised by the com­mentators as “heretics” or “nihilists”, Kapila lays down: “Not thought alone exists; because there is the intuition of the external world.” “Then, since, if the one does not exist, the other does not exist, there is a void”.[1]

The most authoritative commentator, Vijnana Bhikshu, interprets the Sutras as follows: “The reality is not thought alone; because external objects also are prov­ed to exist, just as thought is, by intuition. If external things do not exist, then, a mere void offers itself. Because, if the external world does not exist, then, thought does not exist; for, it is intuition that proves the objective; and, if the intuition of the external did not establish the objective, then, the intuition of thought also would not establish the existence of thought”.

The analogy with the point of departure of Des­cartes' rationalism – “Cogito, ergo sum”-is obvious. But there is more than pure rationalism. The theory of cognition is definitely materialistic. The underlying principle of the Sankhya theory of knowledge is identical with the modern materialist principle that consciousness is de­termined by being. The defenders of the religious doc­trine of creation tried to silence the enquiry about the origin of things by denying the reality of the world itself. They argued that a thing of dream - an unreality - did not need a substantial origin. Kapila retorted: “The world is not unreal; because there is no fact contradictory (to its reality), and because it is not the (false) result of depraved senses (leading to a belief in what ought not to be believed)”. This is clear enough. But Kapila goes far­ther-to the extent of stating the fundamental principle of the rationalist-materialist view of the world. “A thing is not made out of nothing”.[2]

The bottom is knocked oft the doctrine of creation. The origin of the physical world is traced to an endless process of causality, and that process is inherent in nature. Existing eternally by itself, the world does not need a creator or creation. Nor is there any beginning. Because, in that case also, something would come out of nothing. Thus, the Sankhya system rejects even “emanent teleo­logy”, a doctrine made fashionable by some philosophers of our time.

The materialist essence of the Sankhya system is con­fused by its apparent rejection of atomism. But the very argument advanced for the purpose implies a more per­fected form of materialism: “What is limited cannot be the substance of al”. Together with the Vaisheshika, the Sankhya system also reduces the “gross elements” to atoms; but Kapila traces the severally existing atoms down to a still simpler all-pervading substance. This is very much the same as done by Aristotle; but there is no evi­dence whether he resorted to this expediency to avoid the baffling problem of action at a distance.  However, by seeking the ultimate substance beyond the atoms, Kapila anticipated the most modern conception of substance in­stead of rejecting materialism.

Kapila visualised existence as a hierarchy, so to say, composed of twenty-five realities. In addi­ction to the soul, nature, mind and self-conscious­ness, there are “subtle” elements, sense organs and “gross elements”. The pyramid stands on the apex. Reverse the order, and you have a process of evolution. But Kapila conceived the process in the Hegelian fashion: as “Idea expressing itself”. Although the process of evolu­tion is set on its head, the “realities”, however, are derived inductively from the immediately perceptible gross ele­ments. The existence of the “subtle elements” (sound, colour, touch, taste and smell) is inferred from the “gross elements” which are directly perceptible. The logic is obvious: Everything that is gross is formed of some­thing which is less gross. The process is traced to the primal state of nature in which everything lies in a state of inaction. But Nature is not only eternal, but self-operative. “Since the root has no root, the root is rootless”.[3] Thus, Nature is the Final Cause. Since mind and self-consciousness are placed within the scheme of nature, they are included in the materialistic system. Only the soul stands outside, but like Newton's deux ex machina, it is completely unnecessary for explaining the being and becoming of the world. The existence of nature is inferred from its perceptible phenomena. These are real; they must therefore have a real cause. That is to say, the constituents of the world exist eternally. Those ultimate elements are called, in the Vaisheshika and Nyaya systems, atoms. Kapila reduces them to an all-pervasive existence, and calls it the Nature in a state of inaction.

The Nature of the Sankhya in its primal state is like Spinoza's “beseelte Materie” (animated substance). Three qualities (goodness, passion and darkness), inherent in nature, are the lever of all natural operations. Atomism is rejected, because pain and pleasure are not properties of the atom. Everything in existence is an aggregate of pain, pleasure, delusion etc. which are clearly perceptible. But here arises a very pertinent question: What is the cause of these categories or qualities? Kapila himself asserts that something cannot come out of nothing. Obviously to avoid this dilemma, he makes his Nature an all pervading primal substance, having the three qualities in a state of equilibrium. The atomists would contend that the atom could just as well represent the equilibrium of qualities. However, Kapila's rejection of atomism leads him to a position where the materialness of Nature ap­pears to disappear. The primal existence appears like the Brahman of the Vedantist, or the Hegelian Non-Being - Absolute Nothing. But that is far from what Kapila desires to establish. Therefore, he concludes his argu­ments against atomism by reaffirming the materialness of Nature.

“Nothing can be produced from a non-entity like man's horn”.

“There must be some material of which the product may consist”.[4]

The Sankhya system, with its rigid rationalism, can­not do without a material substratum of the world, be­cause, if that is dispensed with, everything may happen everywhere, which is an absurdity according to itself. Consequently, the Sankhya conception of primal nature cannot be essentially different from the conception of “matter in motion”. Its rejection of atomism, therefore, could not be a repudiation of materialism; it was done with the motive of making the physical explanation of the world free from - all possible logical fallacies. An all-pervasive primal substance obviate the difficulty of original combination, and consequently, for securing the first impulse, the postulate, the postulate of a metaphysi­cal agency is not necessary.

Indeed, a mechanistic conception of nature is not only logically inherent in the Sankhya system, but becomes explicit in the definition of the properties of the­ “Pradhan”. Kapila holds that just as mother's milk and' water flow mechanically, just so “the Pradhan also, al­though non-intelligent, may be supposed to move from its own nature”. Motion, as distinct from conscious move­ment or intelligence, is thus clearly visualised as inherent in the Pradhan, which is the name for the all-pervading­ material substratum of the world. This again shows that the metaphysical elements in the Sankhya system are al­together superfluous, the system being self-contained as a mechanistic-materialist conception of the world.

As regards the soul, it is explicitly ruled out as the ­Final Cause of things; and the obvious logical deduction' that the origin of things is material, is clearly drawn from the superfluity of the conception of soul.

“While both (Nature and Soul) are antecedent (to all' products), since the one (Soul) is devoid (of this character of being a cause), it is applicable only to the other of the two (Nature)”.[5]

Having divested soul of all qualities, and ascribed to nature all active properties and the status of the Final Cause, Kapila finds it very difficult to prove how the non­discrimination between the two originates. The difficulty lies in the fact that his conception of the Nature as a self-operative entity renders soul only an empty conception - ­a concession to traditional prejudice. He extricates him-· self from the position by going still another step farther away from metaphysical dualism towards materialistic monism. Understanding, mind, reason, and even ego, are all discriminated from the Soul as products of Nature. Thus, the Soul is left without any function. Indeed, by its very nature (absolute, immutable etc.), it cannot have any connection with anything. Thus, there is an un­bridgeable gulf between the two ultimate categories of existence. The gulf could be bridged only by abandoning the dualist position. It is difficult to ascertain if Kapila himself did that. The Sutras are not very clear on the point. One of the commentators cuts the Gordian knot.

“These two (Nature and Soul) are alike without antecedent, like seed and sprout of which it is needless to ask which is the first; the old puzzle, which was the first, the acorn or the oak? being a frivolous question”.

The relation between Soul and Nature (prakriti and purusha) thus interpreted, the Sankhya system becomes free of the dualist fallacy, and stands out as a self-contained materialist system. Either simultaneous existence of the two uncreated beings is admitted, or Soul ceases to exist except as an attribute of Nature. Then, the logic of “seed and sprout” is faulty. The removal of this logical defect leads to monism. Of the Soul and Nature, one must be the cause of the other. By its very nature, the Soul of Sankhya cannot be the cause of creation; because, in that case, it would cease to be what it is and could never be emancipated. So, there remains Nature as the only real source of existence. and Kapila conceives Nature as a purely material entity, self-originating and functioning mechanically. Even the so-called vital forces are the products of the mechanistic operation of the material entity, Nature.

The most important contribution made to the development of philosophical thought by the Sankhya system, however, is its sensationalist theory of knowledge. Kapi1a was an out and out empiricist. He holds, with an admirable logical rigour, that sense perception is the only reliable source of knowledge.

“Determination (right apprehension) of something not previously known is right notion (knowledge). What -is in the highest degree productive thereof, is evidence”.[6]

Evidence is defined as perception, inference and testimony (scriptural). By admitting inference in the category of evidence, Kapila anticipated the rise of inductive logic. His contribution to the scientific mode of thought, there­fore, is very considerable. The above Sutra is interpreted by one of the commentators as follows: “The proof or evidence, or whatever we may choose to call that from which right notion results, is just the conjunction of an organ (with the appropriate object)”.

The Sutras themselves are very categorical about the role of perception in the process of acquiring knowledge. A decisive answer to the questions raised even by modern epistemological nihilists was given by Kapila.

“Perception is that discernment which, being in conjunction (with the things perceived), portrays the forms thereof”.[7]

It is held that the organs (external, that is, of perception, and internal, that is, of inference) are products' of Nature. They are not “depraved”; that is, they do not portray as real what is not real. Therefore, whatever is established on their evidence is real. Since the organs bear testimony to the existence of the external world its reality is established.

While the Sankhyas thus expounded an atheistic naturalism, the Vaisheshik and Nyaya, systems tended clearly towards materialism. That very significant evolution of thought out of the background of the Vedic religion and the metaphysical speculations of the Upani­shads, in the fullness of time ushered in the Golden Age of India, that is, the Buddhist period. The latter Upanishads and early Buddhist literature are full of refer­ences to “heretics, atheists and materialists”.

When Buddha was a young man, the great halls and vast forests of northern India were echoing with disputations denying the divine origin of the Vedas and the authority of the Brahmans, and preaching agnosticism, atheism and materialism. And it was during the several centuries of the Buddhist era that India really attained a very high level of material and moral culture.


The long process of the development of naturalist, rationaiist, sceptic, agnostic and materialist thought in ancient India found culmination in the Charvak system of philosophy, which can be compared with Greek Epi­cureanism, and as such is to be appreciated as the positive outcome of the intellectual culture of ancient India. The greatest of the Paribrajaks mentioned in the earliest Bud­dhist literature, those Sophists and Stoics of ancient India, was one Brihaspati.[8] He was the founder of Indian Epi­cureanism - the Charvak system. The Brihaspati Sutras are referred to frequently in contemporary Buddhist and Brahmanical texts. But only some remnants of the Sutras themselves survived the downfall of Buddhism. From them we learn that Brihaspati condemned Brah­lnans as “men devoid of intellect and manliness, who up­hold the authority of the Vedas because they yield them the means of a comfortable livelihood”.

The Charvaks laughed at the notion that the Vedas were divinely revealed truth; they held that truth can never be known except through the senses. Therefore, the idea of soul is a delusion. The Charvaks thus anticipated the modern philosophical thought of ultra-empiri­cism. They held that even reason was not to be trusted, because every inference depended for its validity not only on accurate observation and correct reasoning, but also upon the assumption that the future would behave like the past, and of this there was no certainty. That was anticipating modern agnosticism more than two thousand years before Hume. But the Charvaks were not mere nihilists, agnostics and sceptics. They developed an elaborate system of positive philosophical thought.

“All phenomena are natural. Neither in experience nor in history do we find any interposition of super­natural forces. Matter is the only reality; the mind is matter thinking. The hypothesis of a creator is useless for explaining or understanding the world. Men think religion necessary only because, being accustomed to it, they feel a sense of loss and an uncomfortable void when the growth of knowledge destroys faith. Morality is natural; it is a social convention and convenience, not a divine command. There is no need to control instincts and emotions; they are commands of nature. The pur­pose of life is to live; and the only wisdom is happiness." 



[1] Book I, Sutras 42 and 43
[2] Book I, Sutras 78
[3] Book I, Sutras 114 and 115
[4] Book I, Sutras 114 and 115
[5] Book I, Sutras 75
[6] Book I, Sutras 87
[7] Book I, Sutras 89
[8] The name Brihaspati occurs in the ancient Indian Literature frequently in various connections over a period of many hundred years during which naturalist, rationa­list and materialist thought developed and wielded a considerable influence. Brihaspati is mentioned as the founder of Swabhavavad of Lokayata and also of the Charvak system. While it is quite possible that Brihas­pati was a legendary figure, it also proves a continuity of naturalist thought.


This essay is Chapter III of MN Roy’s Materialism: an Outline of the History of Scientific Thought (First Edition: July, 1940; Second Revised Edition: February, 1951).

Due to its length we have decided to upload it in parts. Click here for Part I

Thursday, 3 January 2013

Preventing Crimes against women: are Stringent Laws the only Solution?


Ram Puniyani

The death of the Delhi gang rape victim in Singapore (Dec 28, 2012) has created a massive wave of anger and protest. As such after this ghastly act, which took place nearly two weeks ago, the anger and protest of the people came to the streets and one witnessed the unfortunate police action. This gang rape was so horrific that the attention of the people from all the sectors of society was drawn to it, and the rage amongst people was limitless. One cannot describe enough the brutality of this act, which took place in the moving bus in Delhi. The first object of people’s wrath was the Government and the police for their failure to prevent such acts, their inability to prevent such acts and lack of strong laws and for inability to put in place the mechanism for early punishment of the guilty, which can act as the deterrent to such heinous crimes in future. The first demand of protesters was that the guilty should be hanged.

Surely this massive unrest will force the authorities and society to initiate moves which should lead to the better and stronger laws and better norms for policing. One hopes this alone will not be the end of the social and political response to the protest of the people. One has to recognize that punishing the guilty, making stronger laws will merely be addressing the symptoms. The better path will be that in due course the grief of the event should be channelized to look at the phenomenon of rape and sexual violence against women at deeper level. In turn this should lead to efforts to create better social values and atmosphere where women can enjoy equal status and overcome the present chains of patriarchy. It is this prevalent patriarchy which is at the root of looking at women as subordinate secondary beings, who should submit to the wishes of stronger sex. The patriarchal mind set is at the root violence against women.

Today the whole response to the violence against women has to face the obstacle of biased processes, starting from the attitude society, apathetic and sometimes hostile response of the police and the attitude of a large section of judiciary. It goes without saying that all those who have to deal with the crimes against women need to be gender sensitized. Rape as such is a part of the attitude which regards women as secondary beings or worse the property of men. This is what was structural in feudal society. The transition from feudal society to the democratic society is half way arrested in India and during last three decades or so this transition for equality of both sexes has taken a beating with the rise of politics in the name of religion. This ascendance of politics in the name of religion has an all out impact on our system, the culture, the values and social thinking. This ascendance of ideology which, treats women as secondary beings has many negative aspects inbuilt into it.  

At global level Islam has been demonized by US for the goals of control on oil wells, America’s promotion of obscurantist versions of Islam and ultraconservatism in Islam, its propping up of Al Qaeda and coining of the word ‘Islamic terrorism’ has boosted the retrograde forces in Muslim societies. The arrested secularization process supplemented by this political process has promoted patriarchy in many Islamic societies.

On similar grounds the bringing in of religion in political space in India, the coming up Ram temple movement and consequent politics in the name of Hindu religion has also triggered the pushing back of struggles related to gender justice and equality of sexes. As such in India, the rape of Mathura, an Adivasi girl in police custody in late 1970s gave an impetus to the women’s movement which came up as a strong phenomenon raising the issues related to women’s equality, their yearning for half the sky, their aspirations for a world where they are not just confined to Kitchen, Church and Children but are also a part of the full social space in its entirety, the arena of production and creativity. Later women’s movement also engaged itself with the issue of rape of Manorama by army personnel.

In the transition phase from feudal set up to struggle for democratic society many an ideologues who were opposed to this transition did put forward their ideas which regarded women as the property of men. While those for democratic values encouraged women’s equality, those stuck to feudal values, presented their norms under the wrap of religion and opposed the values of gender equality in various forms. The communal politics which developed in India had a great appreciation of norms from Manusmriti or for those Islamic traditions which gave a secondary status to women. One of the ideologues of Hindutva, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar went on to criticize Shivaji’s act of benevolence in which he shows respect for the daughter in law of Subhedar of Kalyan. Shivaji and returns her back to her home with full honors. His army had brought her to him as a part of plunder and as a ‘gift’ for him. The Taliban mindset is not hidden from us, the types of dictates they gave, which led to girls like Malala to stand up against them. The BJP MP B.L.Sharma Prem expressed his ideology when he termed the act of rape of nuns in Jhabua as an act of Nationalism. One recalls George Fernandez, the BJP ally in later part of his life, had gone on to infamously state that ‘what is new about rape’ and refused to take this crime seriously. This he stated in the context of Gujarat carnage where unthinkable sexual crimes took place against Muslim women.

Communal violence is again a site of contestation which also takes place on women’s bodies. Not only are the bodies of minority women targeted, the rumors regarding cutting of the breasts of ‘our women’ by the others has been a standard rumor used to instigate the people to attack the others. The matters have gone to such horrific extent that women themselves have helped ‘their’ men folk to commit such atrocities on the women from other religion. This has been the experience of Mumbai 1992-93 Mumbai violence and 2002 Gujarat carnage. Rape has also been used as a weapon against the weaker sections of society where Dalit or Adivasi women are subjected to this ignominy to punish that community; Khairlanji will always be etched in memory as an example of this.

The association of rape with clothes of women has been propped up by various police officials and communalists at times. The Khap psychology of controlling the lives of women in the name of Gotra is another aspect which we need to eradicate from our society. Many of these things have become stronger during last few decades and some contribution to patriarchal thinking has been promoted by the serials like the Saas bhi Kabhi… or films belonging to this genre of values. The cultural and religious space is also dominated various expressions, which promote the same. This is an outcome of retrograde politics and in turn further corrupts the political-cultural space to promote the obscurantist gender equations.

All this emerges from the patriarchal value system, which is an accompaniment of sectarian politics. While demanding for strong punishment against the criminals, one hopes the issues raised by this upsurge will be channelized to go to the deeper causes of this phenomenon and will also come to challenge the politics which is based on caste and gender hierarchy, the communal politics. This politics, which can come in the garb of any religion, is detrimental to the rights and status of women. The need is not to look at women as someone who need protection and respect as the subordinate being, but to work towards a society where women have control over their lives, where women are not the weaker sex, but one amongst the two equal sexes. One wishes the infinite pain and anguish of this upsurge will come to challenge the deep set norms of patriarchy in our society. Lets hope we don’t have to hang our head in shame again.

Tuesday, 1 January 2013

In Defence of Rationalism


What is Rationalism? 

In Epistemology (the branch of philosophy studying the nature, sources and limits of knowledge) “Rationalism” is “the theory that reason rather than experience is the foundation of certainty in knowledge”. Those who accept rationalism in this epistemological sense assert that knowledge is gained a priori (prior to experience) and it is often contrasted with Empiricism, which is “the theory that all knowledge is based on experience derived from the senses”.

Regardless of the validity of the epistemological position of rationalism, that is not the sense in which the word rationalism is generally used in the context of a Rationalist Movement that is actively involved in eradicating religious prejudices, fundamentalism, casteism, superstition and blind beliefs, debunking unsubstantiated claims, developing critical thinking, and promoting skepticism and secular humanist ideology. Rationalism in this sense is “the practice or principle of basing opinion and actions on reason and knowledge rather than on religious belief or emotional response” (Concise Oxford English Dictionary-11th Edition). The reasoning of course is the scientific reasoning, which is, to quote Alan Sokal & Jean Bricmont, “a respect for the clarity and logical coherence of theories, and for the confrontation of theories with empirical knowledge” (Intellectual Impostures, 2004).

This broad definition of rationalism used in the context of a rationalist movement should be kept in mind while we further discuss the relevance of rationalism in India today.

Is atheism our exclusive concern?

Rationalists in India have often been criticized by some progressive fellow travelers (criticism coming from religious quarters need not concern us here) for what they call the exclusive preoccupation of rationalists with promoting atheism, and exposing godmen and their miracles.

This criticism is not correct - for two reasons. First, though most (if not all) of the rationalists do adopt an atheist metaphysic, promotion of atheism has never been their sole concern. The early proponents of rationalism in South India, for instance, such as EV Ramaswamy (Tamil Nadu), Gora (Andhra Pradesh) and Sahodaran Ayyappan (Kerala) were all in the forefront of anti-caste movement. In fact, the credit for reshaping the socio-political landscape of modern Tamil Nadu should be given to EVR. Sahodaran Ayyappan, one of the founding fathers of rationalist movement in Kerala, was closely associated with the social reform movement spearheaded by Sri Narayana Guru. Atheist Centre founded by Gora, an uncompromising Gandhian-atheist, played a phenomenal role in eradicating untouchability in parts of Andhra Pradesh. H Narasimhiah, a nuclear physicist and the most prominent face of rationalism in Karnataka, was a well-known educationist.

Defending Debunking

Second, the overt association of rationalist movement with miracle exposure has possibly to do with the wide media coverage received by the hugely successful miracle exposure campaign undertaken by Abraham Kovoor in the 1960s and 70s. Miracle exposure or debunking is, however, not something to be scorned at. As Stephen Jay Gould, the well-known evolutionary biologist and Marxist, said skepticism or debunking is “like garbage disposal that absolutely must be done for a safe and sane life” (see his "Forward" to Why People Believe Weird Things, 2002). If this is true of USA, it is more so in a society like ours steeped in religious rituals and dogmas. Moreover, the ‘gurus’ like Swami Chinmayananda, Asharam Bapu, Amrithananda Mayi, not to say the whole battery of ’sanyasins’ who took part in the ill-conceived Ramajanmabhoomi agitation, were all hand in glove with the anti-secular Hindu fascists at critical moments. We, the rationalists, hence need not be apologetic about our campaign. We should continue to mercilessly expose these godmen who not only defraud the masses with their ’spiritual’ demagoguery, but frequently encroach upon politics to the detriment of secular politics in India.

Debunking is also a tool to teach critical thinking. But why critical thinking, one may ask. Are not deliriums more soothing than reason? As an author of a book on Critical Thinking writes, “if we need soothing, then it is reasonable, if they are not harmful, to seek such dreams and deliriums, and to do so efficiently. Logic, reason, and straight thinking are tools, our most important tools, for attaining what we want, and for evaluating what we think we want” (Perry Weddle, Argument: A Guide to Critical Thinking).

There is however a lesson to be learned from the criticism. It is that we the rationalists should not confine ourselves to exposing astrologers and traditional godmen like Puttaparthy Sai Baba (though we should continue to do this as we have an unending stream of this species trying to occupy the uncertain minds of the religious people), but widen our area of interest. This is because the godmen of today, such as Baba Ramdev or Sri Sri Ravishankar, masquerading themselves as medical men or wellness experts, have been making astounding claims about their ‘ancient wisdom’ or breathing techniques. They conduct satsangs and regularly appear on TV channels peddling their wares and deliriums. In the process they play havoc with the lives of the people who search for a cure for a chronic illness, a new epidemic, or even extreme anxiety. We have witnessed this recently when Ramdev claimed to have a cure for AIDS and when he recommended Amrithaballi for swine flu. Some of them conduct training courses in various ‘levels’ of breathing techniques (’basic’, ‘advanced’, more advanced - as if we don’t know how to breath!) charging a hefty fee and people throng to them year after year, course after course, even if they fail to gain any tangible benefits out of it.

Another category is the ‘new-age’ spiritualists a la Deepak Chopra (incidentally, he is the gentleman who wrote a forward to a book authored by the American trickster, Uri Geller) who makes unsubstantiated claims about spiritualism, yoga or ayurveda. We should enlist the services of scientists and medical professionals (including competent ayurvedic physicians) to expose their wild and unproven claims.

Defending Secularism

What rationalists in India value the most, above all else, is perhaps secularism; debunking godmen, miracles, fraudsters, quacks and pseudoscience comes only next. Secularism forms part of the very preamble of the Indian constitution. Though the word ’secularism’ was inserted into the preamble only in 1976 by an amendment (the Constitution (Forty-second Amendment) Act, 1976), our constitution has been illuminated with the spirit of secularism from the very beginning. As the Supreme Court of India asserted in the Keshavanada Bharati case (Kesavananda Bharati v. The State of Kerala), secularism is an un-amendable part of the Indian constitution. The court said in the Bommai case (SR Bommai vs Union of India) that the concept of the secular state is essential for the successful working of the democratic form of government. It is also relevant in this context to point out that the major electoral plank of Indian National Congress led by Jawaharlal Nehru during the first General Election to the Indian Parliament (held between 25 October 1951 and 21 February 1952) was a "stable, secular, progressive state"

The secularism practiced in India, however, suffers from certain infirmities. Though the concept of secularism demands an absolute separation of the state subjects and religion, this has often been not the case in the Indian context. The right granted to the religious minorities to run their own educational institutions, unhindered by any state interventions, is a case in point. The subsidy granted to Haj pilgrims is another. This infirmity was compounded by certain rulings of the highest court of the land - for instance, the verdict on Hindutwa holding that resorting to the electoral platform of Hindutva in and off itself could not be a corrupt practice. The dismissal of a petition seeking a ban on immersion of idols during festivals (the serious ecological damage to the water-bodies caused by paints used in the idols have been noted by various studies) saying it concerns the right to religious practice (The Hindu, 21 November 2009) is another example of certain retrogressive rulings by our court.

All these point to the absence of a secular culture among the people of India. Secular politics in its true spirit is possible only if the people themselves are imbued with the spirit of secularism. A secular state with a religious citizenry is a contradiction. All the ailments that mar secularism in our country are due to this glaring contradiction. Only a secular state with secular citizenry will continue to guarantee us the invaluable gains we have made over the years - democracy and human rights. Hence, a primal component of the rationalist movement in India should be the unrelenting propagation of secular values among the people.

So, what kind of future are we envisaging at? Here we would better quote, once again, Alan Sokal & Jean Bricmont: “the emergence of an intellectual culture that would be rationalist but not dogmatic, scientifically minded but not scientistic, open-minded but not frivolous, and politically progressive but not sectarian”.

References:

Alan Sokal & Jean Bricmont, 2004. Intellectual Imposters, Profile Books, London (Distributors in India: Viva Books Private Ltd, New Delhi)

Michael Shermer, 2002. Why People Believe Weird Things, Henry Holt & Company, New York

Perry Weddle, 1978. Argument: A Guide to Critical Thinking, McGraw-Hill Book Company, New York

Mathew John, 2005. “Decoding Secularism - Comparative Study of Legal Decisions in India and US”, Economic and Political Weekly, 30 April 2005 

"Petition against idol-immersion dismissed" - The Hindu, November 21, 2009

This article was first published in the Souvenir brought out commemorating the 7th National Conference of Federation of Indian Rationalist Associations (FIRA) held in Chennai on 26 & 27 December 2009. 

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