Ram Puniyani
Dalit
activist and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) member of parliament in
the Lok Sabha, Udit Raj, in his recent article in the Indian Express
titled"‘Where is The Indian Lincoln" highlights some pertinent
questions and brings forth the issue of the caste related atrocities. But he
goes on to hide things which are more crucial to the process of caste
annihilation.
He is on
the dot when he says that atrocities against Dalits are due to a mindset which
regards them inferior. While this explains how such acts have been taking place
earlier as well as now, he undermines the fact that this mindset is due to a
political ideology which upholds the caste system in a subtle way.
What he
hides is the fact that such atrocities have gone up during past two years. What
he does not state is that the Jhajjar violence in Haryana was legitimised by
late Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Acharya Giriraj Kishore, who belonged
to Udit Raj’s political family called Sangh Parivar.
It is true
that many countries in Europe could do away with birth based hierarchy of class
and gender due to industrial revolution ushering in a journey towards
substantive democracy.
India could
not achieve such a desirable goal due to the objective restraints imposed by
the colonial rule. The industrial revolutions of the West did away with the
feudal classes along with their feudal mindset which was justifying the
birth-based hierarchies.
In India
due to the colonial rule, we have seen the birth of modern institutions along
with the foundation of modern society. The foundation and the growth of Indian
nationalism did aspire for the formal equality of all irrespective of caste,
religion and gender.
Colonial
masters in India were least interested in doing away with feudal powers.
‘Feudal-Clergy’ nexus persisted and gave rise to nationalism in the name of
religion. Both Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism thrived.
The pace of
change in colonies is not comparable to the other places where the industrial
class along with workers and women combine overthrows the social and political
alliance of the feudal-clergy combine.
So in
colonies the process of secularization remains arrested and in post colonial
societies the feudal mindset persists with the patronage of the certain
sections of society.
In these
societies the meaning of the word revolution has to be restricted to social
transformation. The day to day efforts for social transformation are the
revolutionary steps in that sense. India had its own trajectory.
Starting
with Jotirao Phule, the Dalits started a slow and long journey towards
equality. The journey for women’s equality begins with Savitribai Phule. These
streams are totally opposed by the conservative religious elements. These
conservatives later crystallize themselves as Muslim League on one side and
Hindu Mahasabha-RSS on the other.
The march
of Indian nationalism accommodates Ambedkar in some form. While he struggles
for social democracy through means of temple entry (Kalaram Mandir), access to
public spaces (Chavdar Talao), he goes on to support the burning of Manusmriti
and states his resolve for the social equality. We can’t be mechanistic in
understanding revolution in diverse societies.
These steps
like those of Jotirao, Saviritibai and Ambedkar, Periyar are revolutionary.
These are hesitantly supported by Indian nationalism and totally opposed by
Hindu nationalism.
Gandhi, a
symbol of Indian nationalism, did his best to oppose untouchability, while his
stand on reserved constituency can be questioned. Nehru, the architect of
modern India, later oversees Ambedkar formulate a Constitution which not only
gives formal equality to all but also affirmative reservations to the Dalits.
Nehru’s
attempt to bring in reforms like the Hindu Code bill are sabotaged by
conservatives within his party and conservatives and Hindu nationalists outside
his party.
The
persistence of subordination of Dalits is mainly due to the persistence of
mindset of Hindu nationalism, which even had opposed the Indian Constitution
when it was being formed.
The Hindu
nationalists have been strong opponents of reservations all through; this is
what led to anti Dalit riots in Ahmedabad in 1981 and the anti OBC violence
again in Ahmedabad in 1986.
The Hindu
nationalist BJP intensified its Ram Temple movement in the wake of Mandal
Commission implementation.
Udit Raj is
right that those perpetrating crimes have not been punished, but that again is
due to the prevalent mindset, which has its roots in Hindutva ideology, which
spills beyond the parties and organisations working for a Hindu Rashtra
(nation) directly.
While
longing for revolution is good, ignoring the revolutionary changes at slow
speed is disastrous and the likes of Udit Raj sitting in the lap of the BJP,
which has been the vehicle of counter revolution as far as social changes are
concerned, is a big setback to the process of social change.
Since BJP
is the political arm of RSS, which aspires for a Hindu nation, Hindutva via
Hindu nationalism, Udit Raj is contributing precisely to the processes which are
hampering the transition of caste equations towards those of equality.
If he wakes
up to realise as to how mindsets are formed, he will realise that among other
things his party has been transforming national institutions towards the values
which will promote an anti-Dalit mindset.
Just one
example from many such incidents is the one where the BJP has appointed one
Sudarshan Rao as head of Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR). Rao
argues that the caste system had no problems and nobody had complaints against
that.
RSS, BJP’s
ideological patron, goes on to say that all castes were equal and problems came
in due to the invasion of Muslim kings!
All this is
putting the wool in the eyes of society to perpetuate the ideology which is
inherently castiest and leads to the strengthening of mindset which looks down
upon Dalits.
So a Rohith Vemula or a Una violence happens.
If Indian
Nationalist movement was a mini revolution, the present politics being unfolded
by Hindu nationalism is a counter revolution, duly supported by the likes of
Udit Raj.
And lastly,
if one concedes that there has been no Lincoln in India, one can also look
forward to the post Rohith Vemula-Una upsurge of youth, Dalits and non-Dalits,
which is going in the direction of caste annihilation!
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