Ram Puniyani
The
nomination of Narendra Modi as the chief of campaign committee of BJP for 2014
elections (June 2013) has created more than a storm in the tea cup. Incidentally
it is the first time ever that such a nomination has created 24x7 news and
controversy. It has a lot to do with the propaganda machinery, which Modi has
created around him. The atmosphere being created is that this nomination is
like being nominated as the Prime Ministerial candidate or a prelude to it,
which may be true. The major opposition to this came from Modi’s own mentor Lal
Krishna Advani, who for quite some time has been the one to promote and protect
Modi. It is his politics due to which Modi has his present stature and power
within BJP and in Gujarat. Advani was the one to suggest his name as the Chief Minister
of Gujarat, when Gujarat’s political fortunes were declining, and Modi revived
those electoral fortunes, the linkage between carnage 2002 and Modi’s rise to
power is a matter of conjecture.
With
the discernible role of Modi in Gujarat violence, the then Prime Minister Atal
Bihari Vajpayee wanted Modi to be sacked but it was Advani, who saved Modi’s
skin. Even earlier it was Advani who promoted Modi to the forefront. The reason
was nothing personal; it was the matching political agenda of both these
swayamsevaks, Modi and Advani, who were working in tandem to enhance the
creeping communalism in the polity of the nation. They are swayamsevaks of RSS and
have been major players in the RSS agenda of Hindu Rashtra. Advani, having
brought BJP to the forefront from two seats in 1984 Lok Sabha elections to the
later 161 in the post Babri demolition elections and to further peak of 182 in
1999, with the further polarization. Advani’s communal actions catapulted BJP and
it became the major opposition party and then came to the seat of power in
Center for close to six years. Advani, being a shrewd politician knew that
though he is the one responsible for the BJP’s enhanced fortunes, he also
realized that his divisive actions will prevent other political parties to
enter in to an alliance with BJP. It is because of this that he pushed forward
the name of a fellow swayamsevak, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who managed to keep a
moderate image despite having the same agenda of Hindu rashtra.
After
Vajpayees innings as PM, Advani’s Prime Ministerial ambitions forced him to
adopt a moderate image. The demolisher-in-chief of Babri mosque started making
moderate noises to the extent that he picked up Jinnah’s speech in Pakistan
Constituent Assembly on 11th August 1947, to call him a secular
leader. This speech alone cannot be the base of evaluating Jinnah, as it is the
same Jinnah, who was the Chief of Muslim League and he was the one who gave the
muscles and teeth to the communal ideology of ‘Two Nation Theory, the ideology
which was shared both by Hindu and Muslim communalists. Calling Jinnah secular
was probably overkill as by that time RSS combine had consolidated the Hindus
around ‘hate Muslims and hate Jinnah’. To swallow this statement from Advani
was a bit too much for the patriarch, RSS, and so Advani was dumped. RSS as
such also wanted a change of guard keeping the age factor in mind. For the lack
of any credible face, Advani had to be resurrected again for 2009 general
elections.
As
such RSS had also some reservations about giving the command to Modi as RSS
wants the primacy of organization over individuals. Modi overshadows the
organization to which he belongs. But in case of Modi, RSS seems to have made
an exception as Modi has cultivated his appeal through carefully constructed
propaganda and through the communal polarization brought in by his role in the
Gujarat carnage. RSS politics is an Indian version of supra authoritarian
politics, couched in the identity of religion, it’s a sort of fascist politics.
Fascist politics needs a charismatic mass leader, so in deference to the
political contingency RSS has loosened its reservations about Modi and has to accept
his uncontrollable rise.
In
the whole drama, as it is unfolding, the divisive image of Modi is making other
NDA allies to shift away from BJP. These allies have to nurture their own constituencies
amongst minorities, so they cannot easily accept the leadership of Modi. So the
already deflated NDA will be further deflated and barring the diehard Hindutva
Shiv Sena and communal Akali Dal all others may desert the ship which is likely
to be captained by Modi. In this case what is noteworthy is the role of RSS.
While Advani raised the banner of revolt, it was only a phone call from RSS
supremo that Advani did a climb down. For swayamsevaks trained by RSS, there is
no question of defying the dictates from Nagpur. This is for number of reasons.
One that these swaymasevaks are taught that their primary loyalty is to RSS and
Hindu Rashtra. One recalls that when the previous avatar of BJP, Bhartiya
Jansangh merged into Janata party after the lifting of emergency in 1977, the
other constituents of Janata party asked the Jansangh members to severe their
links with RSS. The Jansangh components broke away from Janata Party leading to
split in Janata party and retained their umbilical cord and their ideology with
RSS. Atal Bihari Vajpayee the supposedly moderate face of BJP, in Staten
Island, in US, while talking in to the NRIs reaffirmed that he is primarily a
swayamsevak and later a Prime Minister.
Apart
from ideological factors there are electoral factors which are operative as
well. The main strength of BJP at electoral level comes from the RSS
volunteers, who sweat it out to make their nominees win. The organization of
BJP is tightly controlled by RSS through the organizing secretaries of BJP, who
are the nominees from RSS. RSS felt rewarded as Ram Temple issue picked up,
Advani’s divisive Rath Yatra led to series of acts of violence and communal
polarization went to higher levels, which were electorally profitable to the
Hindutva politics. Today the stage has come where on one hand the BJP has been
declining in the electoral arena and on the other the regional parties are
coming up with big strength. These regional parties are more focused on their
local issues, so one does not know which way they will turn after the election
results.
The
whole episode has demonstrated two major things. It has shown the polarizing
impact of Narendra Modi. People also perceive that he is dictatorial in his
attitude and when in power he is capable of usurping all the power to himself.
This authoritarian character is being projected as his being ‘powerful’. The
other leaders in Gujarat have perceived it and ex BJP leaders have either been
marginalized to the full. One cannot be very hopeful about the attitude of the
regional and other parties out for keeping power irrespective of values. One
recalls that when BJP emerged as the largest single party in 1996 no other
party was willing to ally with it. But just a couple of years later so many of
these parties hovered around BJP to share some power as NDA. RSS-BJP-Modi may
be banking on this historical experience to woo the other parties, still it
seems a difficult task as at that time the sobering presence of Vajpayee was
instrumental in making the other parties fall in to delusion and have the some
part of the cake of power.
Today
the challenge for secular movement remains quite mammoth. The ‘social common
sense’ is heavily biased against religious minorities, their plight is becoming
close to second class citizens. The threat of Modi coming to power does not
seem imminent but one cannot say what role BJP-RSS combine will play to come to
power. Earlier also one has seen that after every communal violence, the
communal formations become stronger. Communalists know it too well. It is a
dangerous portent for the country. The simmering acts of religious violence are
strengthening the communal forces at grass root level. What about Federal front
of regional parties? It will be like a sack of potatoes, with so many prime
ministerial aspirants and diverse political agendas. What about third front?
Can it come up as a coalition of all and sundry? The third front can be viable
only on the ground of democratic, secular and pro poor programs. Who can take
the lead for that is the million rupee question. While dumping Advani and
selecting Modi, RSS has given a clear signal that it is going to orchestrate
the aggressive Hinduta, authoritarian leader with fascist agenda and to try to
impose Hindu rashtra on the secular democratic India. The creeping fascism
hidden behind the persona of Modi and the organization called RSS needs to be
engaged with in right earnest on democratic grounds.
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