Showing posts with label Hindu Nationalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Hindu Nationalism. Show all posts

Tuesday, 3 January 2017

Modi came to power with a bang. Riding on the support of the Corporate World, the RSS combine, the media blitz and the promises of sky; he managed to get 31% of votes and 262 seats in the Lok Sabha. This is the first time BJP  managed a simple majority in lower house of Parliament. This also became an occasion for Modi-BJP- RSS to unfold their agenda in full. While economic promises have floundered, the protective policies for the average downtrodden have been partly retracted along with the claims of great economic achievement by RSS combine and its supporters. The reality of economic situation has forced the substantial section of media to take cognizance of the plight of the people and criticize the failure of the Government on economic and many other fronts.

The social scenario has been dismal, the growing intolerance, the attack on autonomy of universities, the treatment of dalits, as reflected in the death of Rohith Vemula, the intimidation of religious minorities through issues like beef, Bharat Mata ki jai, and nationalism have dominated the scene. By now most of the people are clear that RSS is in the driving seat supervising the total unfoldment of its agenda of Hindu nationalism.

This e-book is a compilation of my articles written on the theme during last two years. The idea was to take a stock of the direction of the present regime and its attack on democratic, plural ethos of the country. I hope this will help readers to comprehensively assess this regime, its promises and reality and its deeper agenda of Hindu nationalism.

Ram Puniyani

Link to download the book

http://peoplesvoice.in/…/modi-sarkar-unfolding-hindutva-ag…/

Saturday, 24 December 2016

Can Compulsions Elicit Respect? Singing of National Anthem in Cinema Halls

Ram Puniyani

Supreme Court Order on national Anthem (November 2016) has asked theatres to play the national anthem before a film show begins “for the love of the motherland”. This has yet again started the debate over the personal freedom and legal obligations in present times. This is in the backdrop of growing intolerance. The point is whether nationalistic pride can be injected by such legal dictates. Some commentators are arguing that this compulsion is a undermining of civil liberties. Let’s recall that few decades ago, in many places national Anthem used to be played at the end of the film screening. The observation was that many in the audience will leave the hall during the anthem. Now at many places, like in Maharashtra, the playing of anthem has been started in the beginning of the film screening. The Supreme Court order of the two judge bench; court makes it mandatory for this singing to be done all over the country and this order also asks for closing of the doors during this period.

There are laws to ensure the protection of national symbols like National flag. There are some landmark cases which have shown the conflict between the state norms and the individual liberty. In the well known ‘Jehovahs witness’case the students belonging to Jehovah faith had refused to sing the anthem; their argument being that it would tantamount to idolatry not permitted by their faith. The children were expelled by the principal of the school. The matter went up to Supreme Court which ruled in favor of the students and their expulsion from school was revoked. 

Courtesy: BBC

In a democracy there is a balance between the individual rights and the duties towards the state. The whole Constitution is an attempt to bring in ‘rights of citizens’ and ‘freedom of expression’ to the fore. While a decade ago the Court could rule in favor of the individual liberty; now it seems the trend is just the opposite as ‘love for mother land, nationalism, patriotism’ are being flaunted at the drop of the hat. All those not agreeing with the policies of the ruling government are being dubbed anti national, it is being said that they are ‘not patriots’. Even standing in queue for withdrawing cash from ATM or Bank is being glorified as an act of patriotism, for the sake of the country. This is in the wake of the painful demonetization brought in by Narendra Modi. The present Court order comes in a back drop of the times when words patriotism; nationalism are dominating the scene in the rule of BJP Government.

We also recall that since Modi Government has come to power the patriotism/nationalism of those who are dissenting from the ruling Government’s policies are being challenged by the ruling dispensation. In case of Rohith Vemula the activities of the Ambedkar Student Association were dubbed ‘anti-national’ and so the whole pressure of the MHRD minister on the complying Vice Chancellor to expel him from Hostel and stop his fellowship, leading to Rohith’s suicide. In an attempt to close down JNU, the Government resorted to nationalism ploy and the doctored CD was played on some TV channels to demonize Kanhaiya Kumar and his friends. He was labeled to be Deshdrohi (anti national). It is another matter that Kanhaiaya Kumar had not shouted those ‘slogans’ and that even Constitutional position is that mere shouting of slogans does not tantamount to anti-national activity. In the present charged up atmosphere, the hysteria around patriotism and nationalism, in Goa a wheel chair bound person was beaten up for not standing during singing of national anthem. In Mumbai a young script writer was heckled out of cinema hall for not standing during the anthem.

Such growing atmosphere of intimidation and imposition around issue of nationalism is a matter of concern for the political culture which is being built up in the country. As such in India the whole concept of patriotism begins in a very strange fashion. During kingdoms the kings were eliciting and demanding absolute loyalty from their subjects. The punishments for not complying with such patriotism-loyalty were severe, cutting off hands, meting out of death punishment etc. During colonial period we had two types of nationalism which came up simultaneously. On one hand were the rising classes of Industrialists, workers and educated classes veering around anti-colonial movement for secular democratic India. They opposed the British rule. They were not patriots. The nationalism in the name of religion began with the Kings and landlords coming together and pledging their loyalty to British. They were patriots for Queen of England. Their organization, United India Patriotic Association was the progenitor of nationalism in the name of religion, Muslim Nationalism and Hindu Nationalism. These formations did remain loyal and patriotic to British rule all through.

The anti-colonial nationalism was comprehensive, inclusive and not merely ethnic nationalism. The nationalism of Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha-RSS was built around their religious identity. The nationalism built around democratic values and secularism, the one led by Mahatma Gandhi had inherent liberalism in it. Post-Independence the nationalism of the communal organization as such has the feudal mind set of unquestioning loyalty to the state and no scope to have differences from the ruling state. That is what the Kings demanded from their subjects. That’s what dictators demand in present times. The present atmosphere created by RSS-BJP smacks of the mindset of the norms of authoritarian systems. In these systems like Kingdoms, Kings were supreme and people were mere subjects. In dictatorship again the rights of citizens are undermined. As per RSS-BJP politics state is supreme and citizen should be loaded with duties alone. It seems the present judgment is has the overbearing influence of such a mindset.

Ultra nationalism, while operating in the broad democratic setup, is an attempt to instill the values of dictatorial state. Hope such a realization will prompt the Supreme Court to revisit the judgment with a larger bench.    


Thursday, 8 September 2016

Fascism and the BJP

Subhendu Sarkar

It becomes obligatory, at times, to cite an old cliché. The present socio-political scenario in India compels one to remember that history repeats itself and in doing so serves the role of a teacher― it throws a welcome light on the contemporary events and helps negotiate and overcome an otherwise baffling crisis. Indeed, quite a few recent events in India do appear in an altogether new perspective when seen in the context of one of the darkest episodes of modern world history― Hitler’s rule in Germany. It is true, of course, that the BJP-led central government has to work within the framework of a democratic set-up and, therefore, the conditions in India and Nazi Germany cannot be identical. But there are certainly signs that are strikingly similar.

Nazism (or for that matter, fascism) resorted to a dual mechanism to consolidate itself. The repressive regime propagated lies and exerted brute force by an invidious exploitation of the state machinery, besides letting loose its rank-and-file cadres (under various organizations like SA, SS, etc.) on its political opponents. To make things clear and simple, I shall limit myself to refer to only one event that bears obvious resemblance to the present picture― the Reichstagfire (27 February 1933) and its direful consequences. The attack on the parliament building in Berlin was regarded by the Nazis as an act of incendiarism and communists were held responsible for plotting to revolt against the German government. This event was used as a pretext to strengthen Hitler’s power before the elections in March. He passed an emergency decree to suspend civil liberties (which were never reinstated during Nazi reign) and ordered mass arrests of communists, social democrats and other progressives. Nazi newspapers helped his cause by propagating the ‘news’ of insurrection and moulded public opinion which eventually isolated the communists from the masses. Five communists (including Georgi Dimitrov, a member of the Bulgarian Communist Party and head of all Comintern operations in western Europe) were arrested in connection with the Reichstag fire and were tried in the Supreme Court at Leipzig. At the end of the trial, however, only one (Marinus van der Lubbe, a half-wit and formerly a Dutch communist) was found guilty and beheaded by guillotine. The 2 rest were acquitted and sent to the then USSR (after a sustained effort of the anti-fascist forces of the world) where they were greeted as Soviet citizens with immense enthusiasm.

The communists had always believed that van der Lubbe was a part of the Nazi conspiracy ― a poor Faustus who stood before the court but the Mephistophilis behind him had disappeared. The proceedings of the trial can be regarded as a battleground of ideologies where Dimitrov had to defend himself (the Court rejected all the eight defence counsels of his choice) at all odds in a trial which was far from being fair. Dimitrov, in spite of being kept manacled in a prison known for torture, took the opportunity to expose the witnesses (including Goering and Goebbels) and the prosecutor and gave an impassioned call for a united front of all progressive forces against fascism.

However, since 1967 onwards the 1933 verdict has been overturned by several courts in Germany and van der Lubbe has been posthumously acquitted by the reason of insanity and under the general law passed in 1998 which states that whoever convicted under the Nazis is officially not guilty because the laws of Nazi Germany flouted the basic concept of justice. But all said and done the Nazis were successful at least for the moment― they had staged a drama and managed to justify their action to come down heavily on the political opponents by effective propaganda. It was an orchestrated effort to silence the voice of dissent in which agencies, both public and private took equal and active part.

Keeping in mind the Leipzig trial let us now turn, one after another, to three recent incidents that attracted much attention here in India.

Dadri Lynching

Mohammad Akhlaq
On 28 September 2015 two young men, using the local temple's public announcement system in Dadri, a small town in Uttar Pradesh, announced that the family of Mohammad Akhlaq had killed a cow and consumed beef on the occasion of Eid. This was the immediate cause why a violent Hindu mob broke into Akhlaq’s house in the middle of that night, dragged all the members of that family (including women, young and old) out into the open and assaulted 3 them. The police arrived an hour after Akhlaq had died on the spot and Danish, his son, critically injured. The family had been living in Dadri for almost seventy years but the neighbours did not even think twice before launching a brutal attack. The amicable feeling towards a neighbor was relegated to the background as the ugly head of communal hatred raised its head. The event aroused national attention and caused enormous debate. Soon it gained political overtones too when a man, the son of a local BJP leader, was arrested in connection to the case. Not only that, it was also confirmed later by the forensic experts that the meat found in the refrigerator in Akhlaq’s house was not beef but mutton. Dadri incident came to be seen as one of the many recent examples of the BJP-backed heinous design to use rumour to gain political advantage by dividing the nation along communal lines. It is part of their agenda that the Muslims (and other religious minority communities) will have to accept the diktat of the Hindutva brigade to stay in India. This goes against one of the cardinal points of the Indian ConsCtuCon ― secularism.

Rohith Vemula’s Suicide

Rohith Vemula, a Ph.D student at the central University of Hyderabad and a member of the Ambedkar Students Association (ASA), had to bear the brunt for participating in a demonstration against the death penalty for Yakub Memon (a convict in 1993 Bombay bombings) on 3 August 2015 at the campus. Following the complaint made by the students’ wing of the RSS, ABVP, to the Vice Chancellor, P. Appa Rao, that the students of the ASA were involved in “casteist” and “anti-national” activities, Rohith and four others were suspended and barred from their hostel. As a consequence of severe financial crisis Rohith (as his scholarship was also cancelled) committed suicide on 17 January 2016. The ABVP leader, Nandanam Susheel Kumar, who had taken an active role against ASA and who claimed that he was admitted to a hospital after he was roughed up by around 40 ASA members was later found to have been operated for an acute appendicitis. Besides, the role of the BJP MP from Secunderabad and the Union Minister Bandaru Dattatreya and the Union HRD Minister Smriti Irani behind the suspension of the students also came to light.

Rohit Vemula
26-year-old Rohith’s suicide sparked protests and outrage across India and gained widespread media attention as yet another case of discrimination against Dalits and low castes in India in the BJP regime. It was apprehended that the BJP was not only against the Muslims (and Christians) but also against the Dalits who fall under the general category of the Hindu community. But why is it so? One must understand that the right-wing political philosophy of the RSS-BJP strongly resembles Brahminism which gained and held supremacy only by oppressing the so-called lower castes of the Hindu population in a feudal set-up. In fact, intercaste tensions within the Hindu society were often the results of an unconscious class conflict that went on for ages. Therefore, the attempt to present a homogenized Hindu society is to ignore the dynamics of a society ruled by a powerful few. It was against such an unjust system that Bhimrao Ambedkar (and other activists both before and after him) had waged a life-long struggle. Ambedkar thought that the Hindu society was a conglomeration of castes without any binding ideological force. No wonder then that the RSS and the BJP would run an orchestrated campaign based on lies against the Ambedkarites like Rohith.

Kanhaiya and the JNU Raucous

Kanhaiya Kumar, the 29-year old President of the Jawaharlal Nehru University Students' Union and a leader of the All India Students Federation (AISF), the student wing of the Communist Party of India (CPI), was arrested on the charge of sedition by the Delhi police on 12 February for raising anti-India slogans in a rally to protest the hanging of Mohammed Afzal Guru convicted for the Indian Parliament attack in 2001. The arrest was made following the complaints lodged by the National Secretary of the BJP and an MP, Maheish Girri and members of the ABVP. A nationwide hysteria was created when the BJP started branding a section of the JNU (that included both teachers and students) apologists for the independence of Kashmir (hence anti-Indians). Audio-visual clippings of the event were also played on television channels as clinching evidence for Kanhaiya and others’ anti-national ideologies. Emotions ran high as the nation was caught in a debate between the ‘nationalists’ and their opponents (who were singled out either as Muslims or communists). Demands for closing down the JNU were also raised citing it as a hotbed of sedition run on the taxpayers’ money. Kanhaiya was even beaten 5 up by some lawyers (read the BJP cadres) inside the courtroom where he was brought for trial. On 2 March 2016, however, he was granted interim bail for 6 months by the Delhi High Court on a 10,000 rupee bail bond and an undertaking that he would not "participate in any antinational activity” (though the judge had said that there were no recordings of Kumar raising anti-national slogans). Interestingly, out of the seven videos of the event sent to forensic laboratory, three crucial ones were found to be doctored including a clipping of a news channel.

This incident, in fact, has brought into focus many issues at the same time: chauvinism, suppression of dissenting voices, organized propaganda (where a section of the media joined hands with the ruling party) based on false and/or doctored reports, etc. Best efforts to commence an academic debate surrounding the topics of either nationalism in its totality or Kashmir issue and the hodgepodge trial of Afzal Guru got drowned in a momentary frenzy of blind nationalism. Of course, the BJP was behind all this. It wanted only to broaden its political base by staging this drama. And many apparently innocent Indians could not keep their cool and judge things properly.

Govind Pansare, Narendra Dabholkar, MM Kalburgi

These three incidents manifest an important characteristic of the RSS-BJP: their attitude towards the religious minorities, the Dalits and the Leftists. Add to this their treatment of the rationalists like Govind Pansare, Malleshappa Kalburgi and Narendra Dhabholkar or doctors like Saibal Jana. Depending on the state machinery and a fanatical band of cadres the Sangh brigade has launched a war on those who resist their right-wing campaign. What is equally important is their simultaneous attempt to use rumour and propaganda to mould public opinion in their favour. But it does not become a matter of discomfiture for them when a particular venture receives a jolt on account of its falsity. In fact, they will continue to make the most of the situation in order to broaden their political base among the middle-class population. And it will not be much difficult particularly when the mood of desperation is acute among the so-called educated Indians and the opposition (both ideological and political) is somewhat disarrayed.


What needs to be reiterated at the end is that this undemocratic contingent has a conscious plan to turn India into a monolithic structure decimating the diverse elements that make it so unique in the whole world. There are plenty of signs that suggest Nazi Germany or Fascist Italy or Spain may not always remain matters of distant past. And it will indeed be a living reality soon unless we stand guard and fight a relentless baOle raising the determined slogan ― “Fascism shall not pass”.


This article that was first published in Frontier [14 May, 2016, Vol 48, No. 44]

Thursday, 4 August 2016

Should RSS Volunteers be permitted to join Government Services?

Ram Puniyani

An old controversy resurfaced lately. After the alleged denial of government jobs to candidates linked to the RSS, Minister of State in the PMO, Jitendra Singh, said last week that “the central government has not issued any such order (prohibiting government staff from joining RSS activities) recently”, and “if any old order exists, we will review it.” (16 June, 2016) RSS Prachar Pramukh Manmohan Vaidya had already stated that, “Banning RSS members from joining government service; is unjust and undemocratic. Such bans hardly affect RSS work and morale of swayamsevaks.” (Indian Express 11 June 2016) 



As such civil servants are banned from participating in the political organizations. RSS calls itself cultural organization, and that's what has been used as a ruse by the state governments on couple of occasions to permit the civil servants in joining RSS. In Gujarat when this permission was granted (Jan 2000), the President on receiving the protests intervened, and the Mr. Vajpayee prevailed upon the state BJP and got this permission revoked. Later in MP Chouhan Govt. lifted the ban; thereby the government servants could join and carry on the RSS work openly (2006).

The basic premise of Indian constitution and parliamentary democracy is that the civil service should be neutral. Already RSS has infiltrated into various wings of the state apparatus by sending its trained swayamsevaks to work in different areas of bureaucracy in states as well as at Center. In addition to these elements the 'social common sense' is so doctored that in the times of violence a big chunk of police and other state officials aid and abet the violence against minorities, putting aside the norms of constitution and even the civic decency. Thus far many a reports on the communal carnage have indicated the role of RSS and the complicity of police and other officials in the anti minority pogroms. Such permission to the civic service opens the flood gates for the total communalization of the civil service which is the backbone of the state apparatus.

What about the argument that RSS is not a political organization; it is an organization which is cultural, committed to build a Hindu nation. This claim itself gives the game away; building a nation is a political process so how can this organization claim to be merely a cultural one? After seeing the actions of RSS and its role in the political arena, its role in dictating its political progeny, the BJP, any doubt about it's being a cultural organization vanishes into thin air. RSS is a political organization which operates through its different progeny; some of which claim to be non political to achieve its political goal. 

Initially, it was just training the political volunteers, swayamsevaks, and from 1952 it started floating the direct political organizations, first Bharatiya Jansangh and then BJP (after earlier floating Rashtra Sevika Samiti in 1936 and ABVP in 1948). It acted as controller of Janasangh and whosoever disagreed with its’ polices was removed from being the office bearer, Balraj Madhok, the President of Jana Sangh who was removed from his post for disagreeing with RSS line. Many more examples abound. Earlier in 1998 one saw it dictating the process of cabinet making, the allotment of portfolios, like wanting to have Yashwant Sinha as Finance minister, instead of Jaswant Singh. It came out openly against its’ Lal Krishna Advani, when he stated that Jinnah was a secular.

In one of the affidavits filed, miscellaneous application No 17 of 1978, two of its functionaries, Deoras and Rajendrasingh, stated, "The work of RSS is neither religious nor charitable, but its objects are cultural and patriotic as contra-distinguished religious or charitable. It is akin to political purposes, though RSS is not at present a political party as much as RSS constitution…bans active participation by the RSS as such, as a policy…Tomorrow the policy could be changed and RSS could participate even in day-to-day political activity as a political party because policy is not a permanent or irrevocable thing."

How do we assess the nature of organizations, by their own claims or from the outcome of their activities? One has to note the claims of RSS being a cultural organization is a pure make believe. It operates in the political arena by remote control, by mechanisms which are direct as well as indirect. Its swayamsevaks have been involved in Gandhi murder, murder of Pastor Stains, demolition of Babri masjid and running of political parties. Two noteworthy incidents are one when the Jansangh component of Janata party broke away from Janata party since their double membership, of RSS and of Janata party was challenged. Also Vajpayee himself claimed with pride that he is first a swayamsevak and than the prime minister of India. Recently faced with similar criticism Home Minister Rajanath Singh said’ we are RSS’.

Different progenies of RSS have been allotted the work in diverse social arenas to be able to control the basic thought process of society, starting from Saraswati Shishu Mandir right up to RSS shakha where through the bauddhiks the indoctrination into political ideology is carried on. It does monitor all its progeny and coordinates their activities through All India Pratinidhi Sabha (All India representatives Association) which meets regularly to coordinate their activities. Its goal is political, its actions are political and its outcome is political through and through.

Even without being in power it is able to control the politics through various mechanisms. Currently through the compliant Government its agenda runs exponentially faster, the way Gujarat and many other states has demonstrated. Now its agenda is running from bottom to top and top to bottom both ways since the BJP is the ruling party at the centre. With the employees being openly participating in  RSS the divisive processes will move faster and running the administration on the lines of Indian Constitution will become all the more difficult. Despite knowing that such a provision is not legally tenable, many in the seat of power are asking for government servants be permitted to be part of RSS and vice versa.

The present opinions being articulated by RSS leaders should neither be legally permissible nor are in tune with the principles of Constitution of India.


Wednesday, 3 August 2016

The Holy Cow

Subhendu Sarkar

The cow is now the most important politico-religious icon in India. The self-proclaimed custodians of Hinduism and their political representatives in power are desperate to impose ban on cow-slaughter and beef-eating. As a result, there have been incidents of violence not only in a relatively unknown town like Dadri but also on the floors of State Assembly. More-over, efforts are on to raise it to the status of national animal. For the right-wing Hindu nationalists, the cow is the new fulcrum of communal agenda (as it was Ram Janmabhoomi in the 1990s).

Of course, the fracas surrounding the cow has been in existence for ages. The Hindu traditionalists have considered the cow 'holy' and beef-eating a 'sin'. On the other hand, attempts have also been made to prove, on the basis of scriptural evidences, that the animal was, after all, not always sacred and beef-eating had been a regular habit among the Hindus in the past. Even men like Rammohun Roy and Swami Vivekananda came forward to argue that beef-eating and Hinduism were not always incompatible. But the issue continued to plague Hindu India as, since the nineteenth century onwards, beef-eating became a serious bone of contention between the liberals and the conservatives.

Modern scholars, however, have approached the problem in another way. They not only confined themselves to cite a plethora of literary and historical data to uncover the past but also provide logical explanations as to why the practice of beef-eating, after a certain time, became unacceptable to the Hindus. But despite such efforts not much seems to have changed as regards the issue of the 'holy cow'. The principal reason for this is, of course, a vested interest that seeks to help a few remain socially and politically powerful. In fact, it is this politics of 'identity' that has been at work since the time when the Brahmins discouraged eating beef. It is also known as communalism.

The early Aryans who came to India were semi-nomadic people with a dominantly pastoral economy. Cattle were the chief form of wealth for which they even fought inter-tribal wars. It is, therefore, natural that cattle (the most valued possession) would be sacrificed to propitiate supernatural powers. The Rigveda abounds in references to the flesh of animals (including the cow) being offered to various gods. This continued even during later Vedic centuries. Not only that, killing of the cow and eating its flesh on occasions like birth, upanayana (initiation ceremony), marriage, sraddha (rites for the ancestors) and entertaining guests (Panini uses the term yoghna for a guest) were quite regular in ancient times. The much-respected priests and sages (most notably Yajnavalkya) were also fond of beef. The Brahmanical lawgivers like Manu, Brihaspati and Parashara found killing of the cow and beef-eating a minor sin at the most, not major (upapataka, not mahapataka). Besides, the medical treatises of Caraka (first-second century) and Susruta (third-fourth century) unequivocally prescribe the flesh of the cow and other animals to cure various ailments. Epics like the Mahabharata and the Ramayana too bear testimony to the fact that eating beef was widespread among the Brahmins.

Dietary preferences of the later Vedic people, however, gradually changed with time. The growing importance of agriculture (agrarian economy gained predominance with the diffusion of iron technology in particular) necessitated protection of cattle. Therefore, recommendations against animal sacrifice were laid down in the later scriptures. Further, the new social order that thrived on the varna system created a class-divided society from which the Brahmins and the kshatriyas benefited at the cost of the vaisyas and the shudras. Again, deforestation and the subjugation of the indigenous tribes formed the basis of the early kingdoms. It is natural that opposition to such a system would become inevitable.

Jainism and Buddhism advocated an ideology which looked back to the days of tribal collectives when equality prevailed among the brethren and private property was non-existent. Therefore, the thrust on asceticism and non-injury (ahimsa) of all kinds. The new economic reality (plough agriculture and animal husbandry) which created surplus like never before and the growing popularity of an ideology that threatened the yajna-centric Vedic religion forced the Brahmins to think about a new strategy. In order to establish supremacy over Buddhism which had achieved state recognition by the time and regain their lost power and prestige both in royal court and among the masses, the Brahmins initiated image worship and building temples as an answer to building stupas and setting up images of the Buddha. Moreover, to score yet another point over Buddhism, Brahmanism began to discourage the yajna as a form of worship and the sacrifice of the cow and promote vegetarianism. Advocating the sacredness of the cow and its products (pancagavya) was also a part of this stratagem.

But the truth is that in spite of the Brahmanical ruling on the pardonable offense of cow-killing and beef-eating such practices continued till about the twelfth century. Buddhism, being more practical than Jainism, accommodated dietary practices of the regions to which it spread. The so-called Untouchables (Dalits) among the Hindus too carried on eating flesh of the dead cow (they were the worst victims of the class-divided Hindu society).




However, the need to establish 'Hindu identity' became all the more important with the advent and spread of Islam since the medieval times. But it was particularly during the British period that it consolidated as a socio-political force. Many Brahmanical dictums were re-introduced as a part of the Hindu revivalist programme. This, at the same time, created a sharp division among the conservatives and the liberals. Brought up on the foundations of Western liberalism and guided by rationalism, it was first the intelligentsia of Bengal who revolted against such senselessness that came to pass for Hinduism. The initial reaction of adopting Christianity gradually gave way to an approach towards social and religious reforms which later culminated into secular nationalist ideology. Of course, Hindu elements were initially exploited to rouse and spread nationalist ideology which somehow alienated the Muslims who, as a result, played into the hands of the British imperialists who were eager to divide and rule. It was indeed difficult for many patriots to anticipate, in the face of the need of the hour, the future course of Indian politics. The divisive forces of communal politics (both Hindu and Muslim) would remain a permanent bane of India, even after the Partition.

But why would there be any need to re-assert 'Hindu identity' now? What purpose would it serve to the ruling party and its stooges? It is a fact that they have secured power through a mathematical miracle by getting a little more than thirty percent of the total votes cast. For the Hindutva forces to stay secured in power and to bring the rest of the Hindu population under its sway they have no option but to unabashedly play the communal card.

And thanks to the ignorance of the Indian masses, the cow is certainly the icon they are clinging on to for smooth sailing. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) [or its earlier avatar Jan Sangh] had always banked on the communal ideology. And the post-1992 success has certainly strengthened their belief. The point is: shall these Hindutva people be given a free rein to make India a Hindu rashtra by radically altering the essence of the Constitution? Will the progressive forces that have fought for long against obscurantism and bigotry to help make India a unique country whose basis is plurality be cowed into silence? But, every fascist epoch had to end. The history has always favoured the progressives.

Works Cited

Chattopadhyaya, Debiprasad. Religion and Society. Delhi: Aakar, 2013
Jha, D N, The Myth of the Holy Cow. New Delhi: Navayana, 2015
Early India. A Concise History (From the Beginning to the Twelfth Century). New Delhi: Manohar, 2014
Kosambi, Dharmananda, Bhagaban Buddha (in Bangla). New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 2001
Sharma, R S, Material Culture and Social Formations in Ancient India (in Bangla). Trans. Gautam Niyogi. Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1998.




This essay was first published in Frontier [Vol. 48, No. 21, Nov 29 - Dec 5, 2015] and is reproduced here with the permission of the author.


Saturday, 26 December 2015

Intolerance Debate: Intolerance has Gone Up due to Sectarianism

Ram Puniyani
 
Beginning with September 2015 we witnessed a flood of ‘returning’ honors by writers, scientists and artists. There are also various statements from academics, historians, artists and scientists showing their concern about the growing intolerance and erosion of our plural values. Those who returned the honors are amongst the outstanding contributors to literature, arts, film making and science. They in a way have been pouring their heart out at what is going on at social level. The growing intolerance has taken the lives of Dabholkar, Pansare and Kalburgi. There are incidents like where the lynching of one Muslim on the issue of beef eating which has shaken the conscience of the society.
 
Dr Ram Puniyani
In the face of this strong statement from diverse sections of society those related to the ruling party, BJP; its parent organization RSS and many of its affiliates; have been strongly criticizing these people by saying as to how come it is intolerance now just because of few incidents here and there. A section of social media is mocking those who returned the awards.
 
At the same time the President of India disturbed by the happenings in the society; time and again has been reminding the nation about our core civilizational values of pluralism. The vice President has told that it is the duty of the state to protect the ‘right to life’ of citizens. The international agency Moody Analytics pointed stated that unless Modi reins in his colleagues, India stands to lose her credibility. Disturbed by the current growing atmosphere of intolerance the eminent citizens are feeling uncomfortable. So we have the earlier statement of Julio Rebeiro that ‘as a Christian I am a stranger in my country’. Now Naseerudding Shah said that he is being made to realize his Muslim identity for the first time.
 
The poet, film maker Gulzar stated that the times have come where people ask your religion before they ask your name. The renowned tabla maestro Zakir Hussain felt that there is a drastic change in the social scenario. He recalled his father worshipping Ma Sarswati before his music sessions. Many prominent entrepreneurs like Narayan Murthi and Kiran Majumdar Shaw have shown their concern over growing intolerance. In the same boat of those calling for preserving values of pluralism are people like Raghuram Rajan, the RBI Governor.
 
The case of two superstars expressing their anguish did prove that intolerance has crossed the limits. When Shahrukh Khan said that there is intolerance in the society, he was advised to go to Pakistan and BJP leaders like Yogi Adityanath compared him with Hafiz Sayeed of Pakistan. Aamir Khan when he shared his conversation with his wife that she is feeling insecure about their son, the whole RSS cabal pounced on him, challenged his patriotism. During all these episodes our Prime Minister Narendra Modi maintained a silence, giving the signal that he is in agreement with RSS-BJP leaders making these statements. These organizations and leaders giving ‘Hate other’ statements have sometimes been called fringe elements, but as such they are part of the Sangh Parivar, and all the members of the RSS combine act in coordination with each other.
 
The ruling dispensation, the BJP leaders have come out scathingly on these creative people-scientists and labeled the whole process as ‘manufactured rebellion’ as put by Arun Jaitley. It has been alleged that those returning awards are the leftists or those who were recipients of privileges from the state when Congress was the ruling party and now with BJP coming to power from last one year, they are baffled and so the protests. It has been alleged that these people are trying to derail the ‘development story’ being written by the BJP under the leadership of Narendra Modi. Jaitley even goes to say that Narendra Modi is the victim of intolerance by these people returning their awards. Some like Rajnath Singh have asserted that it is a mere ‘law and order’ problem for which state governments are responsible while these people are targeting Modi government. The response to statements of Aamir Khan and Shahrukh Khan was much different to the response to similar statements by Raghuram Rajan and Kiran Majumdar for example. Statements were similar but super stars were attacked scathingly, while there was a quiet to similar statements by others who happened not to be Muslims.       
 
As such what has happened is neither a law and order problem nor the one related to loss of patronage as it is related to the much broader phenomenon which is due to intense communalization of society. This time the degree of communalization has crossed the civil limits. Most of those who returned the honors are generally very critical of Congress as a party. They have done these acts of returning awards or issuing statements to express their pain at the erosion of values of amity and diversity have done this spontaneously. The jibe that these people did not return their awards at the time of emergency, anti Sikh violence, migration of Kashmiri Pundits and at the time of Mumbai blasts of 1993 overlooks the point that awards have not been returned to protest against a particular incident, but to the overall process building up towards narrow nationalism. The degree of intolerance has seen a qualitative worsening.
 
As the awards which have been returned and the statements put out by different groups do give the reasons for the same and these reasons pertains to the cumulative process and not this or that event. All these incidents mentioned by Jaitley and company have been a tragic part of recent Indian history. Many a writers did protest against most of these incidents earlier also. Nayantara Sahgal for instance had returned the award at the time of emergency and had been part of the PUCL which had brought out report on Anti Sikh massacre also.
 
The present times cannot be compared with the tragic incidents of the past for various reasons. Take the case of emergency for example. It was a dark chapter of Indian history, still it was the authoritarianism imposed mostly from the top. What is most disturbing in the current times is the vast network of organizations related to the ruling party whose followers either they themselves create hatred in the society or they mobilize the social sectors through hate speech; the result of which is communalization and violence. Currently there is an attack on the values of tolerance and liberal space from top as well as from bottom. From the top the ruling dispensation has people like Yogi Adiyanath- Sakshi Maharaj, Giriraj Singh, Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti who keep spreading sectarian messages. The social groups implement it in the way what happened in Dadri.
 
At yet another level is the institutional control by communal ideology. Our major institutions and educational places are being mauled by divisive ideology. Our frontline areas of science and technology are being tampered day in and day out. The level of social thinking the ‘Hate other’ ideology has been promoted through the issues like Ghar Wapasi, love jihad and beef. This is creating the intense social insecurity amongst the religious minorities. This is leading to incidents like Dadri. Such incidents are reflective of the overall social atmosphere created by the ruling ideology, so it is not a question of this or that state government being responsible for that.
 
Essentially the insane communalization, which leads to communal violence, has its roots in the prejudice leading to hate for the religious minorities. And that’s what flows from the ideology of Hindu nationalism, or any other sectarian nationalism, in the name of any religion or race. In current times in India; the fountainhead of Hindu nationalism is RSS. Not to say that Muslim sectarianism has its own divisive and supplementary negative influence. This ideology assumes the ‘Hate other’ sentiment and leads to situation where cow slaughter, beef eating and ghar wapasi or love jihad become the ground on which ‘hate other’ sentiments build up. The communalists are talking in the dangerous language of ‘we will kill and get killed while defending our Holy mother the cow’, as one BJP leader said.
 
To compare the intolerance which has come up during last some time with the situations in other countries or the past kingdoms is totally wrong. India today should not be compared with the times and policies of earlier rulers or the states where democracy has not seen a bit of nurturing, whatever be its degree, as we experienced in India since independence. Also the hallmark to understand today’s situation has to be in the change in degree of intolerance. As such three months down the line since the award return process began, one can say this one of the very effective protests we have witnessed. At least temporarily the venom spewing Hindutva leaders seem to have shut their mouths. The international impact of the move was very strong; hard hitting articles appeared in the major newspapers in the World. That might have forced the authorities to call for a truce to save the face.
 
The major factor leading to present atmosphere lies in the qualitative transformation of ‘hate for others’. The stereotyping of minorities has assumed horrendous proportions. Intolerance has been there earlier also, now it is changing qualitatively for the worse. We need to combat the threat of sectarian nationalism looming large on our democratic society, the threat of sectarian propaganda and politics leading to stifling of democratic space. And these are not the ordinary times, the divisive process, intolerance have assumed menacing proportions and cannot be hidden by the illusory growth story!

Tuesday, 1 December 2015

Re-Debating Secularism: A Secularist Responds to Minister Rajnath Singh

 Ram Puniyani


The celebration of Constitution day ( November 26 2015) marked the revival of the debate, rather questioning of the concept of secularism, yet again. Rajnath Singh, the home minister repeated the arguments which the RSS parivar has been raising time and over again. He said that the perverse use of the term secularism is causing social tensions. As per Singh, secularism is the most misused term in the country and it is this misuse of the term which is causing social tensions. He repeated that this term has Western roots and stands for separation between religion and state. In India since its religion itself is secular such a concept is not needed here. He repeated the earlier arguments of RSS ideologues that there is no need to have the word Secularism the Preamble of Indian Constitution. 

Most of these arguments which keep coming from Sangh parivar have a deeper purpose. They are uncomfortable with the very concept of a secular state so they bring forward this debate in different guises. One recalls that on the eve of Republic Day January 26 2015, the Government issued an advertisement in which the words secular and socialist were missing. The argument put forward after a strong protest was that these words were inserted into the Preamble during the Emergency were not there originally. The point however is that the Indian Constitution has all the provisions for secular values in different clauses of our Constitution, still in the face of rising communal politics this addition to the Preamble made in 1975 merely reinforces the goals of our Constitution. 

Is secularism a Western concept? It is true that this value originated in the Western World but the context of the word is not mere geographical it has all to do with the process of modernization, the rise of industrialization and modern education accompanying the process of abolition of kingdoms, feudal values. It runs parallel to coming of the society with equality of all human beings. This process comes in the wake of a change in societal dynamics whereby the hold of organized religion, the clergy, on social affairs starts diminishing or is abolished altogether. This process of secularization heralds the beginning of the modern society where religion, the organized institution in contrast to other facets of religion, is relegated to the margins of society. 
The argument that India is different as here there was no organized Church, this concept is not needed in India. As far as the scattered clergy of Hinduism is concerned, it played the same role, allying with the feudal powers to sanctify the divine power of kings or landlords, is no different. For that matter whatever be the religion, the clergy does play the same role in every pre-industrial society. It is a bane of South Asian countries that clergy or ‘politics in the name of religion’ keeps dominating the and acts as an obstacle to the strengthening of democratic values and relationship of equality. 

The assertion that the Indian religion, Hinduism is secular, defies all sociological understanding of India, Hinduism and society here. Hinduism, of course is not a Prophet based religion, but is dominated by the Brahminical clergy, which was part of the ruling social powers. Hindu clergy, namely the Brahmins had the same role in giving sanctity to the feudal lord-king as any other clergy had, although in one sense the most visible of this is the organized Catholic Church and so that becomes the most cited example. 

In the BJP scheme of things the religions of Indian origin, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism are all the sects of Hinduism. This is a political elaboration; not a theological one as all these religions are full-fledged religions as far as scriptures, rituals and values are concerned. This is deliberately done to create ‘the other’ in the followers of Islam and Christianity. So to say that the religions of Indian origin are the only Indian religions is faulty again. Religions don’t have nationality, they are universal. 

The origin of religion in that sense is incidental. Look at the spread of Buddhism. Look at the followers of these religions trotting all over the globe. The very formulation of Indian versus foreign religion is a political construct. Hinduism does have different sects like any other religion having many sects. India has many religions thriving here. What are Indian religions is well answered by Gandhi. Gandhi states that in India “Apart from Christianity and Judaism, Hinduism and its offshoots, Islam and Zoroastrianism are living faiths.” (Gandhi’s collected works, Volume XLVI p. 27-28). This is very contrary to the RSS-BJP formulation of Islam and Christianity being foreign religions. 

It is true that the practice of secularism has been tardy in India due to the weakness of the political leadership and due to the absence of effective land reforms. In tune with that, the RSS parivar has been coining different terms to criticize secularism as such and to hide its total opposition to religious pluralism and secularism. 

First it began with the term appeasement for the affirmative policies of the Congress, and then went on to coin the term pseudo secular and lately sickular as a derogatory term for those trying to uphold the Constitutional values of secularism. The BJP slogan of ‘Justice for all and appeasement of none’ in a way underlines the way Hindu nationalism will operate, with no concern for the weaker religion minorities. Its agenda has been structured around identity issues related to a section of Hindus. Earlier the major issue used on the ground was the Ram temple, and today and the ‘Cow as mother’ is the reigning identity issue. 

‘India First’ the highly emotive phrase coined by Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a substitute for secularism is a clever maneuver to bypass the word secular, which is a big obstacle to the agenda of Hindu nationalism of the RSS-BJP. While the freedom movement was totally diverse, plural and secular to the core the ideological foundations of today’s BJP lay in the Hindu nationalism as brought up by Savarkar and later by RSS. This begins with the formulation of India as a Hindu nation from times immemorial, in contrast to the self understanding of Indian national movement that ‘we are a nation in the making’. 

Although the BJP currently has no choice but to uphold the Indian constitution it is trying to subvert the spirit of secular values by various means. And that’s what the RSS pracharak Rajnath Singh is doing as a minister in the Indian Government! Such distortions of the spirit of Indian Constitution need to be combated at the ideological, social and political level.

Saturday, 18 July 2015

One Year of Modi Sarkar: Hate Speech Galore

Ram Puniyani


The coming to power of Narendra Modi in a way gave an open license to all the affiliates of RSS combine to indulge in open hate speech against the religious minorities. The current agenda behind the hate speech is to consolidate the communal polarization of the society along lines of religion. The well known case of MIM’s Akarbar Uddudin Owaisis’ hate speech has been despicable and very rightly Akbarudin Owaisi had to be in jail for some time. The case against him should be pursued and the legal course of action must befollowed.  At the same time what about the hate speech indulged in by the likes of Pravin Togadia, Subramaniam Swami, Giriraj Singh, Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti, Sadhvi Prachi, Sakshi Mahraraj, Yogi Adityanth, Sanjay Raut and company?

Apart from these associates of Hindu right wing patriarch, RSS, who are reported in the media, there are many more indulging in the divisive speech and worsening the communal situation. During this year they have started feeling emboldened as they know it is ‘their’ Government and they can get away with it. Day in and day out they are becoming more aggressive and vicious in their language. The hate speech against religious minorities has been stepped up.

One recalls even before Modi Sarkar assumed the seat of power the divisive activities of ‘BJP associates’ in the form of propaganda of love jihad and Ghar Vapasi were on, and they continued without any respite during this year. Soon after this Government came to power in Pune, Mohsin Sheikh, a person working in IT was hacked to death by activists of Hindu Jagran Sena, in the aftermath of morphed pictures of Bal Thackeray and Shivaji being posted on the social media. The attack on Churches was very glaring and the process which was dominant in Delhi and Haryana was also witnessed in places like Panvel near Mumbai, Agra in UP amongst other places.

Sakshi Maharaj not only said that Godse was a patriot; he also went on to say that Hindu women should produce four children, as Muslims are overtaking the population. Sadhvi Prachi went to prescribe eight children for Hindu women. She also gave a call that the Muslim film actors, Aamir Khan, Shahrukh Khan and Salman Khan should be boycotted. Pravin Togadia has been the leading person in making hate speeches; he has the highest number of cases regarding hate speech against him. Yogi Adityanath, BJP’s MP keeps making very derogatory remarks, He said that in ‘love jihad’ if one Hindu girl is converted then 100 Muslim girls should be converted to Hinduism. The propaganda around love jihad keeps simmering and various small and big leaders keep using it to divide the society. Same Yogi went on to say that Mosques should be converted into den of pigs and that Muslims should not be allowed to come to Hindu holy places.

Two central ministers of Modi Sarkar, Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti and Giriaj Singh made very insulting and humiliating remarks about non Hindus and the color of skin of UPA chief Sonia Gandhi. Niranjan Jyoti stated that all those who are non Hindus are illegitimate, Haramzade. Giriraj Singh had earlier said that those not voting for Modi should go to Pakistan. Interestingly he said this before the elections and despite such a record he was elevated to the level of minister in the Modi sarkar. He made racial comments about Sonia Gandhi recently. Sakshi Mahraj also held Godse as a patriot, while his another party colleague from Kerala, one Gopal Krishnan wrote in RSS mouth piece Keasri that Godse chose a wrong target in killing Gandhi, he should have killed Nehru instead. Subramaniam Swamy, one of the very senior leaders of BJP, said that God lives in temples alone, not in mosques and Churches, The hidden implication of this statement is fraught with danger. These are few of the samples from what all has been stated during this year. Its impact in increasing the sense of fear amongst religious minorities is more than obvious. BJP ally Shiv Sena’s MP Sanjay Raut went to the extent of demanding that the voting rights of Muslims should be revoked.

As such one realizes that ‘Hate speech’ is the outcome of the politics of divisiveness, it is the concentrated expression of the ‘social common sense’ prevailing in the society, it is the forth right and blunt way of putting things, which communal parties propagate anyway. It is not out of the blue that these formulations suddenly crop up, their infrastructure, the base of these has already been made by a section of political outfits.

Also ‘Hate Speech’ in case of India is an accompaniment of the politics in the name of religion and language, and also many times it precedes the violence or helps in polarization of communities for electoral benefits. While BJP was on the upswing during Ram Temple campaign; one recalls that Sadhvi Ritambhara, was propped up for pravachans (religious discourses) by RSS combine. She was bluntly talking anti minority things, duly endorsed by communal political organizations. This took place around the Babri demolition period.

One has been hearing similar things from many a sadhus of VHP, small and sundry members of communal gang, some Muslim communalists and the ilk of Togadia. There has been a more sophisticated presentation of the similar formulations by many others. Modi, in his initial rise to power talked divisive language, but kept changing the form in a very subtle way to suit the needs of his political strategy. When he said that post Gujarat refugee camps should be shut down as they have become factories of production of children, he was reinforcing the propaganda about Muslims having more number of children.

In the wake of Mumbai riots Bal Thackeray had indulged in Hate speech, inciting his Shiv Sainiks to undertake violence. He also got away with it due to clever way of putting his vitriol and due to the lack of adequate laws which can distinguish the Hate speech from freedom of expression, which can distinguish between one’s political opinion and painting the ‘other’ community in a negative light. Incidentally it is important to distinguish between criticizing a community and criticizing a political organization. While political organizations can and must be criticized, communities should not be humiliated or insulted. Also no political organization can be synonymous with the religious community, whatever its claims.

It is not only disturbing but totally against the values of our democratic society that such ‘hate other’ ideology and speeches have become the weapon in the hands of a type of politics, which thrives on exclusion, which identifies a particular religious community as synonymous with the nation state. Again this ‘hate speech’ is the language of a section of those who thrive on identity politics far away from the real issues of the society.

As such Hate speech in India entered the political arena with the rise of communal streams in politics, like Muslim League on one side and Hindu Mahasabha and RSS on the other. These streams believed in the nation based on one religious community. These streams came from the sections of earlier rulers, landlords, Nawabas and Rajas etc. The ideology of religion based nationalism is narrow and it excludes ‘other’ from its notion of nationhood. These beliefs then get converted into Hate other, and later turn in to ‘Hate speech’. This did form the basis of many a communal violence in pre independence era and also during the last two decades. Varun Gandhi, allegedly said ‘he will cut the hands’, is a BJP MP.

In this atmosphere once a while the BJP spokespersons will say that the view expressed by the particular leader are ‘personal’ and stop at that. For BJP another escape clause is that its associated organizations like VHP, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and Bajrang Dal are formally different organizations though they are also part of RSS controlled Sangh Parivar. They all are working in tandem with BJP for actualization of agenda of Hindu Rashtra. So while BJP is not directly responsible for their actions, the direction of the actions is the same. Many a people call these organizations as fringe elements, while as a matter of fact there is a division of labor between these organizations. These have become more aggressive during this time. And surely after the Modi Sarkar coming to power their vitriol has become more intense

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